Regime Classification:
Transitional
Government or Hybrid Regime
Democracy Score:
4.68
Executive
Summary:
Ukraine has survived the severe political crisis that Russia instigated
after popular protests—in what became known as the Euromaidan Revolution, or
Revolution of Dignity—led to the fall of then president Viktor Yanukovych in
February 2014. However, Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea and its
semicovert “hybrid war” in the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine have settled
into frozen conflicts, leaving the affected territories under de facto Russian
control.
In a deal brokered by Germany and France in February 2015, Ukraine and
Russia signed the second “Minsk Agreement,” which called for a cease-fire in
eastern Ukraine, set out terms for the withdrawal of military equipment, and
provided a sequence of steps for a final political solution between the two
sides.[1] The
agreement brought some relaxation in the conflict, but a comprehensive
cease-fire was achieved only in September, after representatives of Germany,
France, Ukraine, and Russia met again in Paris. Full implementation of the
Minsk accord faces severe challenges, not only because violations of the
cease-fire continue, but also because Russia and Ukraine interpret the
agreement’s provisions differently, especially those concerning elections in
territories not under the control of the Ukrainian authorities. Ukraine insists
that any such elections must meet basic criteria like free access for media and
observers, free operation of political parties, and voting rights for internally
displaced persons (IDPs). Russia disagrees with these criteria and disregards
Minsk’s requirement that it withdraw its military personnel from eastern
Ukraine. Constitutional changes required by Minsk, including special status for
the occupied portions of the Luhansk and Donetsk regions in the Donbas, are
also deeply unpopular in Ukraine and had not passed the parliament at year’s
end.
Despite the largely frozen conflict in the east, political life stabilized
in 2015, and there was some progress on the huge range of reforms Ukraine
requires to become a fully democratic state based on the rule of law. President
Petro Poroshenko strengthened his position due in part to the weakness of his
rivals; while public confidence in him decreased, he still enjoyed the highest
approval ratings of Ukraine’s top politicians.[2]Prime Minister
Arseniy Yatsenyuk is deeply unpopular, with public support at 2 to 3 percent.
Although the constitutional changes of 2014 reestablished a mixed
parliamentary-presidential system, the president remains the center of power.
The ruling coalition in the Verkhovna Rada (parliament) initially included five
political forces: the Poroshenko Bloc, Yatsenyuk’s People’s Front, Samopomich,
the Radical Party, and Batkivshchyna. In September 2015 the populist Radical
Party left the coalition.
On October 25, elections were held for mayors of cities and villages and
for regional, district, city, and village councils. Poroshenko’s party led the
balloting, with approximately 19.4 percent of the total vote. It also won the
mayoral contest in Kyiv, though other parties won in the major cities of
Kharkiv, Odesa, and Lviv.
The year brought long-awaited and significant reforms in local governance.
About 7 percent of local communities were consolidated into larger, more
manageable units in the first half of the year on a voluntary basis. Deeper
constitutional reform on decentralization remained unpopular, however, because
it was entangled with the question of implementing the Minsk accord, and with
other provisions that could give additional powers to the president.
Civil society remains the strongest element in Ukraine’s democratic
transition. From official councils and independent advocacy campaigns to
participation in new anticorruption institutions, Ukraine’s powerful civil
society is playing a crucial role in driving reforms aimed at building
functional democracy and the rule of law.
Ukraine has a pluralistic media environment, and in 2015 there were
positive legislative changes that should bolster it, including requirements to
disclose the real owners of media outlets and to publish official registers of
property—both essential steps for exposing the media assets of the country’s
politically powerful business magnates, or “oligarchs.” A new public
broadcaster has been created, and privatization of local outlets will help
remove local officials’ control over media. Despite such progress, there
continue to be an unacceptable number of attacks on journalists.
Judicial reforms are also under way, but it is too early to determine
whether they will be successful. Political bias, corruption, incompetence, and
dishonesty are deeply entrenched in the judiciary and prosecutors’ offices.
However, the launch of a new police force and significant changes in the
legislation regulating the Prosecutor General’s Office in 2015 were seen as
steps in the right direction. Similarly, new anticorruption institutions have
been established and a new national strategy for the fight against corruption
has been adopted, but the struggle to actually uproot corruption in practice
still lies ahead.
Score Changes:
·
National
Democratic Governance rating improved from 6.00 to 5.75 due to the
stabilization of the national political situation and the survival of basic
democratic institutions following the constitutional and security crises of the
previous year.
·
Local Democratic
Governance rating improved
from 5.50 to 5.25 due to the first visible progress in setting up new local communities
under recently adopted legislation.
As a result,
Ukraine’s Democracy Score improved from 4.75 to 4.68.
Outlook for
2016: Ukraine will continue to face challenges to its statehood and territorial
integrity due to Russian aggression and the fragility of its national
democratic institutions. At the same time, the most severe crisis has likely
passed, and the country will have more space for implementing reforms and
encouraging economic recovery. The largest challenges remain the high level of
corruption and the weakness of institutions tasked with ensuring the rule of
law. The majority coalition in the parliament suffers from internal rifts, and
the dissolution of the Verkhovna Rada for early parliamentary elections in 2016
cannot be ruled out.
National Democratic
Governance:
2007
|
2008
|
2009
|
2010
|
2011
|
2012
|
2013
|
2014
|
2015
|
2016
|
4.75
|
4.75
|
5.00
|
5.00
|
5.50
|
5.75
|
5.75
|
6.00
|
6.00
|
5.75
|
·
Ukraine proved resilient in 2015 after severe challenges to its statehood
from Russia’s violent de facto occupation in the east of the country and the
illegal annexation of Crimea, which had cost Ukraine more than 10 percent of
its total population and about 9 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) in
2014.[3]Throughout the
year, the national leadership was preoccupied with the Minsk negotiations with
Russia. The process led to a fragile cease-fire in the Donbas in late February,
although the conflict resumed in September before stabilizing once more.
Meanwhile, Kyiv, Moscow, and the outside powers mediating the talks have failed
to reach consensus regarding the sequence and content of further steps, such as
local elections in the occupied portions of Donetsk and Luhansk, withdrawal of
Russia’s military forces from the two regions, and the reestablishment of
Ukrainian government control over the border with Russia. The Minsk process
also does not address the issue of Crimea, meaning it is likely to remain under
Russian administration.
·
Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk and the cabinet appointed in December 2014
survived the year, despite political turbulence and growing criticism of their
performance. A mixed parliamentary-presidential model was reintroduced after the
fall of President Viktor Yanukovych in February 2014, but in practice the
presidency remains the key political office, and President Petro Poroshenko
strengthened his position at the expense of the government during 2015.
·
The governing coalition established after the October 2014 parliamentary
elections initially included five political forces: the Poroshenko Bloc,
Yatsenyuk’s People’s Front, Samopomich, the Radical Party, and former prime
minister Yuliya Tymoshenko’s Batkivshchyna. In September 2015, the populist
Radical Party left the coalition to protest the Minsk accord’s concession to
Russia on special status for the occupied areas of the Donbas. Samopomich and
Batkivshchyna often criticize the government, especially on issues of
decentralization, the Donbas solution (Samopomich), and energy tariffs
(Batkivshchyna). Moreover, the main political parties are not homogeneous. The
Poroshenko Bloc and People’s Front are internally divided between old-guard
politicians connected to business and traditional bureaucracy and newer members
who are focused on the building of genuine democratic institutions, the rule of
law, and strong anticorruption mechanisms.[4] Some new
members of parliament from the ruling factions, frustrated by the slow pace of
change, have started to vocally criticize the president, the government, the
prosecutor general, and political leaders who are engaged in business. In
November, 15 lawmakers formed an anticorruption subfaction within the
Poroshenko Bloc.[5]
·
Behind the formal party structure, the main political conflict in 2015
centered on one of Ukraine’s most powerful oligarchs, Ihor Kolomoyskyy, based
in Dnipropetrovsk. Kolomoyskyy gained popularity by supporting the 2013–14
Euromaidan Revolution (“Maidan”) through his 1+1 television channel, became
governor of the Dnipropetrovsk region after the revolution, and then succeeded
in defending it when Russian-backed separatism seemed to be spreading across
the entire east. On March 25, 2015, however, Poroshenko fired Kolomoyskyy from
his governorship after he attempted to abuse his public office for personal
gain, using his proxies to take control of the state-owned Ukrnafta oil
company.[6] Even after
his firing, Kolomoyskyy was perceived as a major counterweight to Poroshenko in
the Ukrainian political landscape. On October 31, the Security Service of
Ukraine (SBU) and the Prosecutor General’s Office arrested Hennadiy Korban,
leader of a new political party, Ukrainian Association of Patriots (UKROP),
that was funded by Kolomoyskyy. Korban was charged with various abuses during
his tenure as chief of staff to the Dnipropetrovsk governor in 2014–15.[7]
·
The violent conflict in the east and the need to defend the country against
Russian aggression have made the military and security establishment more
visible than ever before in Ukrainian history. However, this visibility has not
translated into widespread political support in society. By contrast, some
dozen commanders of volunteer paramilitary units have become popular public
figures, with some—such as Semen Semenchenko, Andriy Teteruk, and Yuriy
Bereza—winning seats in the parliament.
·
Radical groups that failed to succeed in the parliamentary elections have
tried to engage more supporters by taking advantage of society’s widespread
frustration with the government. On August 31, a member of the far-right
Svoboda party, which did not clear the threshold in 2014, threw a grenade at security
personnel near the parliament building during a protest, killing four National
Guard soldiers. The paramilitary wing of the radical group Right Sector (DUK
Pravyy Sektor) repeatedly clashed with law enforcement, most prominently in
Mukacheve in July, when a confrontation involving the group resulted in the
deaths of three people. In response, the government began a crackdown on Right
Sector members, with a dozen arrested on various charges.
·
Access to Russian-held Crimea is restricted through measures imposed by
Ukraine (on land routes) and the international community (on sea and air
travel). An administration installed by Russia governs the peninsula in
practice and ignores basic democratic principles and human rights. Crimean
Tatars, who make up 13 percent of the population, and others who do not
recognize the legitimacy of the annexation are subject to heavy persecution by
the de facto authorities.
·
Despite the survival of Ukraine’s political institutions, the conflict with
Russia continued to take a toll on the Ukrainian economy, partly through the
destruction of industrial capacity and a decline in trade. According to the
government, GDP fell by 10.4 percent in 2015, annual inflation was 43.3
percent,[8] and the
national currency fell even further, from 16 hryven per dollar at the start of
the year to 23 at the end. The government reached an agreement with the
International Monetary Fund on an extended financing program and successfully
started restructuring old debts with private creditors. Russia has declined to
take part in the restructuring of its $3 billion in bonds, and Ukraine has
defaulted on repayment.[9]
Electoral
Process:
2007
|
2008
|
2009
|
2010
|
2011
|
2012
|
2013
|
2014
|
2015
|
2016
|
3.00
|
3.00
|
3.50
|
3.50
|
3.50
|
3.75
|
4.00
|
4.00
|
3.50
|
3.50
|
·
Elections took place nationwide on October 25 for mayors of cities and
villages and for oblast (region), rayon (district), city, and village councils.
Seven percent of local communities held elections on the new territorial and
administrative basis created by the local governance reform initiated earlier
in the year (see Local Democratic Governance). Turnout for the elections was
46.6 percent, with a somewhat lower rate in the east and a higher one in the
west.[10] Elections
were not held in the separatist-controlled territories of the Donbas.
Negotiations continued within the framework of the Minsk process to create
appropriate conditions for free and fair elections in those areas. In line with
the second Minsk protocol, Ukraine insists that elections are only possible if
the election criteria of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in
Europe (OSCE) are met, including the free operation of observers, media, and
Ukrainian political parties. Russia and pro-Russian separatists continue to obstruct
such freedom of access.
·
The October elections were conducted according to the amended law On Local
Elections that was adopted in July.[11] The law
creates a hybrid of majoritarian and proportional electoral systems. Experts
agreed that the legislation contained both positive and negative provisions. It
established a high threshold for parties to win council seats under the
proportional system (5 percent), and candidates in single-mandate
constituencies can only enter the council if their parties pass the threshold
within the municipality or region. As a result, some candidates who won their
constituency races did not become deputies. In addition, the only internally
displaced persons (IDPs) able to participate were those who officially
registered at a new address—a very small percentage of the displaced
population. The system of counting votes was also rather complicated, resulting
in some irregularities on election day.
·
The elections showed that the Poroshenko Bloc was still the strongest
political force, winning in 14 out of 25 regions where elections were held,
with a total of 8,417 local and regional council members. Batkivshchyna placed
second overall, with 7,653 deputies. The Nash Kray party, a “loyal opposition”
and de facto Poroshenko ally based primarily in the east and south, won 4,397
seats, while the Opposition Bloc, a successor to Yanukovych’s Party of Regions,
won 3,843 seats.[12]Populist and
radical parties did not perform well in most regions.
·
Incumbent mayors representing different political forces were reelected in
the biggest cities: Kyiv, Kharkiv, Odesa, and Lviv. Vitaliy Klychko of
Poroshenko’s party was reelected in Kyiv. In the second-largest city of
Kharkiv, Hennadiy Kernes, a former close ally of Yanukovych, was reelected with
63 percent of the vote in the first round. The leader of Samopomich, Andriy
Sadovyy, won his third term in office in western Ukraine’s largest city, Lviv.
The most remarkable mayoral competition took place in the city of
Dnipropetrovsk, where Yuriy Vilkul of the Opposition Bloc was defeated by Borys
Filatov of UKROP, the party closely connected to oligarch Ihor Kolomoyskyy,
whom Poroshenko had removed as governor of Dnipropetrovsk oblast in March.
·
The local elections were competitive and well organized, without systemic
misuse of administrative resources, although there were reports of municipal
resources being used for a variety of campaigns around the country. There also
appeared to be widespread indirect vote-buying through the provision of food
packages to needy voters. So long as the gifts do not exceed a set maximum
value, this is not banned under Ukrainian law.[13] Several
candidates alleged major irregularities in mayoral elections, particularly in
Odesa, Zaporizhzhya, and Kryvyy Rih. The campaign was expensive and visible,
with ubiquitous advertisements on billboards and television. So-called jeansa, paid political advertising masquerading as
journalism, was rampant in the lead-up to the local elections. The OSCE’s final
monitoring report noted that “virtually all campaign coverage in the media was
paid for.”[14]
·
Serious difficulties emerged in the cities of Mariyupil and Krasnoarmiysk,
both close to the cease-fire line in Donetsk, where elections were canceled due
to urgent concerns over potential fraud. Voting in the two cities was
rescheduled for November 29 and held without major incidents. In a number of
other municipalities along the cease-fire line in the Donbas, elections were
not held for security reasons.
·
In Crimea on September 13, the Russian-backed de facto authorities held
illegitimate elections to local and regional governance bodies. The exercise
was not recognized by Ukraine or the international community.
Civil Society:
2007
|
2008
|
2009
|
2010
|
2011
|
2012
|
2013
|
2014
|
2015
|
2016
|
2.75
|
2.75
|
2.75
|
2.75
|
2.75
|
2.75
|
2.75
|
2.50
|
2.25
|
2.25
|
·
Civil society remains the strongest element in Ukraine’s democratic
transition. Since the revolution, civil society has continued to play a crucial
role as a driver of reforms aimed at building functional democracy and the rule
of law. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) use a variety of practical
frameworks for participation, including civic councils advising the government,
expert groups, policy consultations, and direct advocacy campaigns.
·
After the change in government in 2014, civic councils were reestablished
or renewed at ministries, other central executive bodies, regional
administrations and councils, and municipalities, with some councils involving
more than a hundred NGO representatives. At the same time, due to a lack of
trust in the “old” civic councils, the most active civic networks prefer to
work independently, building new channels for communication and advocacy at
different levels. Some well-known civil society leaders have become members of
the National Reforms Council, a top-level consultative body created by
President Poroshenko to push reforms.[15] Civic
experts also populate the Strategic Advisory Groups tasked with helping the
government to draw up reformist legislation, strategies, and action plans.[16] A Reform
Support Center in the cabinet of ministers has been created to serve as a
sustainable connection between the government and civil society initiatives.[17]
·
Among the most active civil society groups that affect policy are the
Reanimation Package of Reforms (RPR), Nova Krayina, and VoxUkraine. RPR in
particular is highly influential. It is a civic platform that unites leading
NGOs and experts from all over Ukraine and serves as a coordination center for
development and implementation of key postrevolutionary reforms. RPR experts
are involved in almost every policy area where reforms are in progress.[18]
·
The legal framework for civil society is mostly open and supportive.
Nonprofit status is easily obtainable for NGOs. The government does not erect
barriers to legitimate NGO activities, although there continues to be a pattern
of creating imitations of genuine civil society participation, especially at
the local level.[19]
·
The legal system does lack provisions to stimulate charity and donations
for civil society from the private sector. As a result, many civil society
groups are underfinanced or dependent on external funders. The main donors for
Ukraine’s NGOs are the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the
European Union (EU), the UN Development Programme (UNDP), and Open Society’s
Ukrainian branch, the International Renaissance Foundation.[20] USAID has
several programs for civil society support in Ukraine. In autumn 2014 the EU
launched a €10 million ($11 million) program to support civil society efforts
in the field of reforms, and EU officials have announced that this will
increase in 2016.[21]
·
During 2015, civil society advocated effectively for policy changes to
counter corruption and ensure transparency and accountability. In particular,
new legislation requiring open ownership registers, introducing control over
political financing, creating anticorruption institutions, and regulating
public broadcasters were adopted with civil society participation. Pressure
from civil society groups ensured that civic leaders associated with the Maidan
became members of the independent commissions authorized by law to select the
management and staff of the National Anticorruption Bureau, the anticorruption
prosecutor’s office, and the National Agency for Corruption Prevention.[22]
·
NGOs continued their close engagement in advocacy for civil service reform,
energy-sector transformation, and reforms of the prosecutorial and judicial
systems. In particular, civil society organizations like the Dixi Group
successfully advocated for adoption of the Gas Market Law, which makes Ukraine
formally compliant with the EU’s Third Energy Package, and then continued to
press for creation of an independent energy-policy regulator.[23] Informal
volunteer movements to provide assistance to IDPs,[24] wounded
soldiers, disabled people, children, and the army remain a remarkable
post-Maidan phenomenon. Their activities are supported mostly through
crowdfunding, which is a relatively new practice in Ukraine.
·
Conflict resolution and dialogue were also a priority for civil society. In
Odesa, Kyiv, and Kharkiv, civil society groups organized dialogues to bring
pro- and anti-Maidan groups together. The most prominent examples of these
efforts are the Odesa Dialogue process, launched after a May 2, 2014, incident
in which over 40 people died in a fire in the Odesa trade union building amid
clashes between rival protesters, and the dialogue between pro-Maidan activists
and former members of the Berkut special police unit in Kyiv, facilitated by the
NGO Dignity Space.[25]Ukrainian
Peacebuilding School, a complex reconciliation project involving experts and
activists, is working to build the institutional capacities of civil society in
parts of the Donbas.[26]
·
Civil society is becoming more heterogeneous. Even as LGBT (lesbian, gay,
bisexual, and transgender) rights defenders and antiracist movements gain
strength, there are also signs of consolidation among homophobic, xenophobic,
racist, and other illiberal groups that claim to defend “traditional values.”
Some are aggressive, as seen in the direct physical assaults during a June 6
“Dignity Rally” organized by the LGBT community in Kyiv.[27] In a
positive sign, police protected the rally, and parliament members such as
Serhiy Leshchenko and Svitlana Zalishchuk attended for the first time to
demonstrate solidarity.
·
Trade unions and employers’ associations are weak and often dependent on
oligarchic interests. The Federation of Employers of Ukraine is still
officially run by Dmytro Firtash, an oligarch who is currently living in
Austria and facing investigation by the United States for alleged money
laundering.[28]
·
The role of the church in Ukraine is modest; most of the population is
rather secular. The Moscow Patriarchate of the Orthodox Church is declining in
influence due to its support for Russia’s position in the war.
·
In Crimea, the de facto authorities deprive independent civil society
organizations of freedom of operation. In particular, there are regular reports
of repression against Crimean Tatars and their organizations. The Crimean
Tatars’ representative institution, the Mejlis, has been paralyzed. Tatar
leaders who relocated to the mainland are not allowed to enter the peninsula,
while many of those who remained have been arrested, among them a deputy head
of the Mejlis, Akhtem Chiygoz.[29]
Independent
Media:
2007
|
2008
|
2009
|
2010
|
2011
|
2012
|
2013
|
2014
|
2015
|
2016
|
3.75
|
3.50
|
3.50
|
3.50
|
3.75
|
4.00
|
4.00
|
4.25
|
4.00
|
4.00
|
·
Ukraine has a pluralistic media environment that is marred by impunity for
attacks on journalists and widespread oligarchic ownership. Citizens generally
have free access to information and opinions, including criticism of the
authorities, as demonstrated in coverage of the 2015 local election campaign.
·
The conflict with Russia has resulted in some limitations on media freedom.
In 2014, Ukraine banned rebroadcasts of most Russian television channels due to
their hostile political propaganda. They remain banned through terrestrial and
cable transmission, but are available via satellite and the internet. In a
clumsy attempt to limit propaganda, the government in September banned a number
of Russian media figures from entering the country for “threatening national
interests,” but the list also included three British Broadcasting Corporation
(BBC) journalists and the Spanish journalists Antonio Pampliega and Ángel
Sastre.[30]After an outcry,
the government removed them from the list the next day.
·
Another worrying problem is the high number of physical attacks against
journalists. Media monitors documented 36 beatings within eight months in 2015,
and only three of them were effectively investigated. Pro-Russian journalist
Oles Buzyna was murdered in April; members of far-right groups have been arrested
and charged with his killing. Anticorruption investigative journalists Mykhaylo
Tkach and Kyrylo Lazarevych were temporarily detained by the SBU on October 2.[31] In
September, a group of Ukrainian journalists requested that the government take
action to ensure a proper investigation of attacks on journalists.
Nevertheless, the number of violations of journalists’ rights decreased in 2015
compared with 2014.[32]
·
Oligarchic dominance of the Ukrainian media market continues to drive the
misuse of outlets, especially television stations, to serve the political and
economic interests of their owners. Kolomoyskyy in particular has used his
popular 1+1 channel against his competitors, and former Yanukovych chief of
staff and opposition leader Serhiy Lyovochkin similarly exploits his Inter
channel. Poroshenko himself remains a major media owner, with his Channel 5
considered one of the leading stations for news and politics, though it ranks
only 15th among national audiences overall.[33] While the
oligarchs’ impact is also visible in the print media, that sector features
stronger competition from genuinely independent outlets including Novoe Vremya, Kommentaryy, Tyzhden, Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, and the Kyiv Post, which provide balanced political coverage.
Independent online outlets such as Ukrayinska Pravda are also powerful media actors.
·
Positive steps were taken in 2015 to tackle the media’s structural
problems. A law on public broadcasting was adopted on March 19 in line with
European practices. The newly created National Broadcasting Company of
Ukraine’s Supervisory Council has 17 members—8 from parliamentary factions and
9 from various NGOs.[34]
·
The government also took steps in 2015 to curtail nontransparent media
ownership. A law adopted on July 14 granted public access to national
registries, including those for real estate, other property, and vehicles. The
legislation eases the work of investigative journalists by allowing them to
search various properties by name and address. Immediately after the law came
into effect, journalists were able to obtain information on the properties
owned by Poroshenko, Yanukovych, and many other current and former officials.
Journalists were unable to find a property register for Prime Minister
Yatsenyuk, however.[35]
·
Another essential step toward transparency came on September 3, when the
parliament adopted legislation introducing mandatory disclosure of media
ownership, including final beneficiaries.[36] Each media
outlet must report its ownership and beneficiaries, indicating not just legal
entities but also individuals. In addition, the law bans ownership of broadcast
outlets by individuals and companies located in offshore economic zones. If
properly implemented, this law will limit corrupt practices and shadowy
oligarchic interference with media freedoms, including at the most popular
television channels.
·
On November 24, the parliament adopted a law on privatization of print
media outlets owned by the central, regional, and local executive authorities.
When implemented, the law will eliminate an archaic segment of the media sector
inherited from the communist era: Soviet-style propaganda outlets owned by
executive bodies and councils.[37] The OSCE
representative on freedom of the media called the law “a major step forward in
advancing media freedom and pluralism in the country.”[38]
Local Democratic
Governance:
2007
|
2008
|
2009
|
2010
|
2011
|
2012
|
2013
|
2014
|
2015
|
2016
|
5.25
|
5.25
|
5.25
|
5.25
|
5.50
|
5.50
|
5.50
|
5.50
|
5.50
|
5.25
|
·
The year 2015 brought important developments for long-awaited reforms to
local governance, though they were subject to strong external pressure. In
effect, comprehensive reform became a hostage to the war in the east, as the
decentralization process and related constitutional changes required by the
February Minsk agreement included “special status” for the occupied
territories. The speaker of parliament said that the link between overall
decentralization and the status of the Donbas was “one of the traps that was
set for us.”[39]
·
On August 31, a package of constitutional changes related to
decentralization passed its first reading in the Verkhovna Rada. The package
would give local councils the right to establish executive offices, removing an
important barrier to decentralization. Other provisions included the granting
of equal rights to all local communities and a provision for the president,
acting through local representatives known as prefects, to dissolve local
councils or overrule their decisions.[40] Under the
amendments, the power of local authorities in the occupied territories is
supposed to be regulated by a separate law. Although the Council of Europe’s
Venice Commission approved the constitutional package,[41]the parliament did
not hold a final vote on it by the end of 2015, and its ultimate fate was unclear.
·
Other important laws adopted in late 2014 and early 2015 transferred powers
to the local level and gave the local elections in October 2015 more weight.
The measures provided for budgetary and financial independence (December 2014),
transferred city planning functions to local government authorities (April
2015), and called for the consolidation of local administrative units to create
more viable and financially sustainable communities (February 2015). Under that
law, the total number of communities was ultimately expected to fall from
11,000 at the beginning of 2015 to just 1,500.[42]
·
The holding of the October local elections as scheduled under the amended
law On Local Elections, adopted in July, was itself a partial success for local
democratic governance (see Electoral Process). However, Ukraine had difficulty
addressing challenges created by the war, such as ensuring the electoral
participation of IDPs and holding elections in or even near the occupied
territories. The presence of Russian troops and local “volunteer” forces backed
by the Russian army remained the main obstacles to normalization of life and
local self-government in the occupied areas.
Judicial Framework And
Independence:
2007
|
2008
|
2009
|
2010
|
2011
|
2012
|
2013
|
2014
|
2015
|
2016
|
4.50
|
4.75
|
5.00
|
5.00
|
5.50
|
6.00
|
6.00
|
6.00
|
6.00
|
6.00
|
·
As stated in an open letter to the Council of Judges published by Dzerkalo Tizhnyain February, the Ukrainian judiciary is commonly
accused of political bias, corruption, resistance to change, incompetence,
dishonesty, and unjust decisions.[43] Judicial
reform began as part of the constitutional reform of 2015, but it would be
premature to count it as a success.
·
The president created a Council for Judiciary Reform under the chairmanship
of Oleksiy Filatov, deputy head of the presidential administration, in late
2014, and in 2015 the council elaborated a judicial reform plan that would
require constitutional amendments. On September 4, Ukraine’s Constitutional
Commission sent a draft of the amendments to the Venice Commission. An
alternate version envisioning radical change through the dismissal and
reappointment of all judges was also submitted. In late October, the Venice
Commission endorsed the moderate approach to reform, arguing that the dismissal
of all judges could violate the principle of judicial independence.[44] The
amendments passed the parliament at the end of December and were submitted to
the Constitutional Court for approval.
·
Several important pieces of legislation concerning the judiciary were
adopted or under consideration by the Verkhovna Rada in 2015. A law designed to
ensure the right to a fair trial was adopted by the parliament in February,
introducing mechanisms for assessment of the professional qualifications of
judges and verification of their integrity, and providing an option to apply
directly to the Supreme Court for a review of lower court decisions.[45] Also in
February, the Verkhovna Rada adopted a law allowing the merger of existing
special units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs into a single universal
special police unit.[46]
·
Although Ukraine has not yet ratified the Rome Statute, the founding treaty
of the International Criminal Court, in February 2015 the parliament adopted a
declaration recognizing the court’s jurisdiction over crimes committed during
the Euromaidan period and after the beginning of the Russian aggression against
Ukraine. This move provided an additional instrument for bringing to justice
those former Ukrainian officials who were accused of crimes and are currently
outside of Ukrainian jurisdiction. However, official steps to ratify the Rome
Statute had not been completed by the end of year, and civil society groups
expressed concern about a clause in the relevant draft legislation that would
delay implementation by three years.[47]
·
The law on national police was finally adopted in July, and results were
immediately visible, making it the benchmark for reforms in Ukraine in 2015.[48]The new force of
street-level “patrol police” is currently in full operation in four cities:
Kyiv, Lviv, Odesa, and Kharkiv. The selection and training process is ongoing
in more than 10 cities. On September 26, recruitment was launched in Slovyansk
and Kramatorsk, the largest cities that were recaptured from Russian-backed
forces in Donetsk the previous year. By the end of 2015 there were about 10,000
new patrol police officers in Ukraine. A poll conducted in Kyiv after the first
three months with the new force indicated 80 percent satisfaction with the
reforms.[49]
·
On July 15, a new law on the Prosecutor General’s Office entered into
force, and the office announced an open competition for positions across
Ukraine.[50] A long
selection process for new prosecutors was ongoing at year’s end. The result
should be qualitative and quantitative changes in the personnel of this
critical institution. The articles of the law governing qualification and
disciplinary procedures, the order of selection of candidates, and the functioning
of the prosecutorial self-governing authorities will take effect on April 15,
2016. By the end of 2017, the number of employees under the Prosecutor
General’s Office is supposed to be reduced from 18,000 to 10,000.[51]
·
There are still major shortcomings regarding accountability for past abuses
by the judiciary. Not a single judge has been removed from office under the the
law On Cleansing the Government. According to the head of the Lustration
Department of the Ministry of Justice, this is because in Ukraine a judge can
be dismissed only by the body that appointed him, the Verkhovna Rada, and only
the High Council of Justice—which was disbanded in April 2014 and has not yet
been reelected—can submit the necessary documents.[52] Little has
been achieved on accountability for the oligarchs who supported the Yanukovych regime
or the tens of thousands of minor criminals who served it. According to the
deputy chairman of the public commission for the investigation and prevention
of human rights violations in Ukraine, “As it turns out, the blame for the
Yanukovych regime should be put on the first 10 persons. The rest are either
offered to write resignation letters, or lustrated, or simply left in peace.”[53]
·
Ukrainian authorities have not made significant progress in recovering
money that was stolen by Yanukoych and his circle.[54] The
government has neither proven their guilt nor provided formal substantiated
claims against most individuals from Yanukovych’s administration. As a
consequence, the Council of the EU has lifted sanctions against some of these
individuals and warned that it could do the same for others.[55]
·
The investigation of crimes committed by law enforcement agencies during
the revolution is moving very slowly. In February, Prosecutor General Vitaliy
Yarema was dismissed from his post amid frustration over the lack of results.[56] His
replacement, Viktor Shokin, soon faced criticism as well, though the Prosecutor
General’s Office reported that it was making progress in the Maidan
investigation.[57] Independent
experts have described Shokin’s work as “window dressing.”[58]Another expert and
member of parliament criticized him for his “total loyalty” to Poroshenko.[59]
Corruption:
2007
|
2008
|
2009
|
2010
|
2011
|
2012
|
2013
|
2014
|
2015
|
2016
|
5.75
|
5.75
|
5.75
|
5.75
|
5.75
|
6.00
|
6.00
|
6.25
|
6.00
|
6.00
|
·
In 2015, Ukraine adopted new anticorruption legislation, created new
institutions to implement anticorruption policies, and took steps toward
transparency in political party financing and public procurement. At the same
time, there has been limited progress to date on removing factors that
contribute to corruption, such as overregulation of the economy and the power
of oligarchs.
·
A new law creating a National Anticorruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) came
into force in January, and the institution was formally established in April.
As of October 1, the bureau’s first 70 investigators had been selected and
started their work. The head of the NABU and an anticorruption prosecutor were
appointed in a transparent and accountable manner,[60] and the
bureau has launched its first investigations.[61]
·
A new law on corruption prevention entered into force on April 26,
requiring the creation of a National Agency for Corruption Prevention (NACP).
The NACP’s functions include approving the rules of ethical behavior for public
officials and monitoring and verifying officials’ declarations of assets and
income. At year’s end, the NACP was still being established and its performance
could not be assessed.[62]
·
On April 29, the cabinet of ministers approved a state program for the
implementation of its 2015–17 anticorruption strategy. The plan calls for
additional laws on subjects including lobbying, whistle-blowers, and the
release of registration information about some state-owned enterprises. To
eliminate the basis for corruption among elected officials, the strategy also
requires a review of the electoral law and the creation of effective mechanisms
to eliminate conflicts of interest. The strategy further envisions the creation
of an open register of enterprises with over 50 percent state ownership, and
the release of data on state procurement by June 2016.[63]
·
The parliament adopted a law on political party financing in October,
allowing the financing of parties from the state budget and introducing
mandatory reporting on all parties’ incomes and expenditures.[64] Legislation
amending the law on access to information was also adopted to make this
information open to the public.[65]
·
Progress on public procurement reforms continued. A new law on public
procurement adopted in September requires the disclosure of information on
public tenders, including bids, the final beneficiaries of participating
companies, and the evaluation protocol. Use of a pilot online system for public
procurement called “ProZorro” has started, introducing accountable and
transparent standards for procurement policy.[66] Experts gave
the launch of this pilot project a positive assessment.[67] The National
Reforms Council reported that the program was 77 percent implemented by the end
of the year. Measurement of the system’s effectiveness will be based in part on
the average number of participants in each public tender, the share of tenders
with participants from different parts of Ukraine, the number of participants
from other countries, and the share of tenders that are competitive.[68]
·
Despite these reforms, ordinary citizens, businesses, and international
observers remain skeptical about progress against corruption in Ukraine.
Businesspeople see corruption as the main problem that the government has
failed to solve,[69] as confirmed
by an Ernst & Young survey in May.[70] The
Ukrainian public shares this unflattering assessment, with respondents to
another survey placing government corruption (29 percent) and the behavior of
oligarchs (29 percent) ahead of Russia’s actions (25 percent) as the main
factors that could divide Ukraine.[71]
·
Accusations of corruption in the highest ranks of the Ukrainian leadership
persist. A key ally of the prime minister, parliament member Mykola Martynenko,
is under investigation in Switzerland for suspected money laundering and
bribery;[72]Poroshenko ally
Ihor Kononenko has been accused by the former head of the SBU of money
laundering and corruption.[73]
·
In December, the parliament adopted a new law on civil service that
envisions comprehensive reform of the public administration in line with
democratic standards, including separation of political and administrative
positions, regulation of the status of a public servant, introduction of
mandatory transparent competition for civil service positions, and a framework
for fair compensation of civil servants.[74] A draft law
on service in local self-government bodies, which passed a first reading in the
parliament in April, regulates the status of local government officials,
ensures equal access to service in local self-government, and provides for
transparent recruitment to local self-government bodies. The bill is still awaiting final approval.[75]
Notes:
Author: Oleksandr Sushko and Olena Prystayko
Dr. Oleksandr Sushko is the research director of the Institute for
Euro-Atlantic Cooperation in Kyiv, Ukraine. Dr. Olena Prystayko is the
executive director of the Ukrainian Think Tanks Liaison Office in Brussels.
Among other positions, she has previously worked as a project manager at the
Directorate of Internal Oversight of the Council of Europe (2013);
representative in Brussels of the Memorial Anti-Discrimination Center and the
Sova Center (2012); and as a research fellow at the EU-Russia Center in
Brussels (2008–2011).
[1] “Package of
Measures for the Implementation of the Minsk Agreements,” Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), 12 February 2015,http://www.osce.org/cio/140156
[2] “На президентських виборах Порошенко знову переміг би Тимошенко” [At presidential
elections Poroshenko would win again over Tymoshenko], Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, 16
October 2015, http://dt.ua/POLITICS/na-prezidentskih-viborah-poroshenko-znovu-peremig-bi-timoshenko-188178_.html
[3] “Україна в 2014 році втратила третину ВВП—експерт” [Ukraine lost
1/3 of GDP in 2014—expert], Finance.UA, 26 October 2014,http://news.finance.ua/ua/news/-/336785/ukrayina-v-2014-rotsi-vtratyla-tretynu-vvp-ekspert
[4] “Скандал в БПП: депутаты ссорятся из-за бизнес-схем во фракции” [Scandal in the
Poroshenko Bloc: Deputies quarrel over business schemes in the faction],
Liga.net, 24 November 2015, http://news.liga.net/news/politics/7369935-skandal_v_bpp_deputaty_ssoryatsya_iz_za_biznes_skhem_vo_fraktsii.htm
[5] “У БПП з'явиться внутрішньофракційна група” [In-faction
group will appear in the Poroshenko Bloc], Ukrayinska Pravda, 24 November 2015,http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2015/11/24/7090068/
[6] “Порошенко
звільнив Коломойського” [Poroshenko fired Kolomoyskyy], 24TV, 25 March
2015, http://24tv.ua/poroshenko_zvilniv_kolomoyskogo_n558040
[7] Anna
Shamanska, “Five Questions: The Arrest of Ukrainian Oligarch Associate Hennadiy
Korban,” Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), 3 November 2015,http://www.rferl.org/content/ukraine-korban-arrest-five-questions/273431...
[8] “Экономика Украины в 2015 году сократилась на 10,4%” [Economy
of Ukraine has declined by 10.4 percent], Lb.ua, 2 February 2016,http://economics.lb.ua/state/2016/02/02/326937_ekonomika_ukraini_2015_godu.html?utm_source=local&utm_medium=cpm&utm_campaign=lenta
[9] Natasha Doff
and Kateryna Choursina, “Ukraine Defaults on $3 Billion Bond to Russia,”
Bloomberg, 18 December 2015, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-12-18/ukraine-defaults-on-3-billion-russia-bond-as-court-battle-looms
[10] “ЦВК оприлюднила дані щодо явки на виборах” [CVK released
the turnout data for the elections], DEPO, 26 October 2015, http://www.depo.ua/ukr/elections_2015/tsvk-oprilyudnila-dani-shchodo-yavki-na-viborah-26102015050500
[11] “Закон України про Місцеві вибори” [Law of Ukraine
on local elections], Verkhovna Rada, 14 July 2015, http://zakon4.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/595-19
[12] “Підсумки
виборів-2015 по партіях. Всі результати (ІНФОГРАФІКА)” [Elections outputs-2015,
by party. Infographics],
DEPO, 12 November 2015,http://www.depo.ua/ukr/elections_2015/pidsumki-viboriv-2015-po-partiyah-vsi-rezultati-infografika--12112015130300
[13] “Ukraine
Local Elections, 25 October and 15 November, OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation
Mission Final Report,” OSCE, 19 February 2016,http://www.osce.org/odihr/elections/ukraine/223641?download=true
[14] Ibid.
[16] “Strategic
Advisory Groups: Promoting Reforms in Ukraine,” International Renaissance
Foundation, 19 June 2014,http://www.irf.ua/en/knowledgebase/news/spriyannya_reformam_v_ukraini_rozpochinayut_robotu_strategichni_doradchi_grupi/
[17] Reform
Support Center at the Cabinet of Ministers, accessed 5 April 2016,http://centre-reform.org/novini/
[19] Olena
Nechvidova, “Громадські слухання та їхня імітація” [Public hearings
and their imitation], Zbruč, 10 December 2014, http://zbruc.eu/node/30365
[20] “Civil
Society and the Crisis in Ukraine,” OSCE, 4 March 2015,http://www.osce.org/ukraine-smm/141046?download=true
[21] “Speech of
Commissioner Johannes Hahn at the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum 2015,
Kyiv,” European Commission, 20 November 2015,http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_SPEECH-15-6135_en.htm
[22] “ВР обрала своїх представників у комісії з обрання антикорупційного прокурора” [Rada selected
its representatives for the commission for the anticorruption prosecutor’s
office], Ukrayinska Pravda, 17 September 2015,http://www.pravda.com.ua/news/2015/09/17/7081694/
[23] “Naftogaz
Welcomes Parliament’s Adoption of Natural Gas Market Law,” Naftogaz Ukraine, 9
April 2015,http://www.naftogaz.com/www/3/nakweben.nsf/0/C70FE8F8EA278BBBC2257E220058DB59?OpenDocument&year=2015&month=04&nt=News&
[24] For
information on nongovernmental organizations involved in assisting displaced
persons in Ukraine, see the International Organization for Migration website,
accessed 5 April 2016, http://www.iom.org.ua/ua/dopomoga-vymushenym-pereselencyam-i-gromadam-yaki-zaznaly-naslidkiv-konfliktu
[25] “Civil
Society and the Crisis in Ukraine,” OSCE, 4 March 2015,http://www.osce.org/ukraine-smm/141046?download=true
[27] “У Києві невідомі напали на ‘Марш рівності’” [In Kyiv
unidentified people attacked the ‘Dignity Rally’], UkrMedia, 6 June 2015, https://ukr.media/ukrain/237954/
[28] “Dmytro
Firtash Calls Off Visit to Ukraine Employers’ Congress,” Euronews, 3 December
2015, http://www.euronews.com/2015/12/03/arrest-threat-forces-dmytro-firtash-to-cancel-visit-to-ukraine-employers/
[29] “Переслідування
татар в окупованому Росією Криму” [Repressions against Tatars in Crimea
occupied by Russia], Voice of America, 23 March 2015,http://ukrainian.voanews.com/content/tatars-crimea/2691593.html;
“Срок ареста Ахтема Чийгоза в Крыму продлили до одного года” [Term of arrest of
Akhtem Chiygoz extended to one year], Lb.ua, 17 November 2015,http://lb.ua/news/2015/11/17/321201_srok_aresta_ahtema_chiygoza_krimu.html
[30] Alec Luhn,
“Ukraine Bans Journalists Who ‘Threaten National Interests’ from Country,” The
Guardian, 16 September 2015,http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/sep/16/ukraine-president-bans-journalists-from-country
[31] “Прокуратура
відкрила справу проти співробітників СБУ через напад на журналістів програми
‘Схеми’” [Prosecutor service opened a case against SBU because of attack on
journalists of the program ‘Scheme’], Telekritika, 15 October 2015,http://www.telekritika.ua/pravo/2015-10-15/112207
[32] “Розслідуйте
напади на журналістів і зупиніть агресію” [Investigate attacks against journalists and
stop aggression], Media Sapiens, 16 September 2015,http://osvita.mediasapiens.ua/media_law/government/rozsliduyte_napadi_na_zhurnalistiv_i_zupinit_agresiyu/
[33] “Які
канали найчастіше дивились українці у січні: рейтинг” [Which channels did
Ukrainians watch in January: ratings,” Ridna Krayina, 30 January 2015,http://ridna.ua/2015/01/yaki-kanaly-najchastishe-dyvylys-ukrajintsi-u-sichni-rejtynh/
[34] “Approved
the Members of the Supervisory Board of the National Public Broadcasting
Company of Ukraine: Eight Representatives from the Public and MPs,” It’s
Ukraine, 18 December 2015, http://en.reporter-ua.ru/approved-the-members-of-the-supervisory-board-of-the-national-public-broadcasting-company-of-ukraine-eight-representatives-from-the-public-and-mps.html
[35] “Відкриті реєстри: про власність Яценюка інформації нема” [Open registers:
No information on Yatsenyuk], Deutsche Welle, 7 October 2015, http://www.dw.com/uk/відкриті-реєстри-про-власність-яценюка-інформації-нема/a-18765584
[36] “OSCE
Representative Welcomes Law on Transparency of Media Ownership in Ukraine as It
Comes into Force,” OSCE, 1 October 2015,http://www.osce.org/fom/187956
[37] “Рада ухвалила закон про роздержавлення преси” [Rada approved
the law on media privatization], Media Sapiens, 24 November 2015,http://osvita.mediasapiens.ua/media_law/law/rada_ukhvalila_zakon_pro_rozderzhavlennya_presi/
[38] “OSCE Media
Freedom Representative Welcomes Print Media Privatization Law in Ukraine,”
OSCE, 24 November 2015, http://www.osce.org/fom/203431
[39] “Гройсман
назвав ‘фейком’ особливий статус Донбасу у переписанній Конституції” [Groysman
called the special status of Donbas in the new constitution ‘fake’], Dzerkalo
Tyzhnya, 6 August 2015, http://dt.ua/POLITICS/groysman-nazvav-feykom-osobliviy-status-donbasu-u-zminah-do-konstituciyi-180918_.html
[40] “Ukraine
Reform Monitor: October 2015,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 5
October 2015, http://carnegieendowment.org/2015/10/05/ukraine-reform-monitor-october-2015/iik7
[41] “У ‘НФ’ заявили про схвалення Венеціанської комісією остаточної редакції проекту децентралізації” [People’s Front: Venice Commission has approved the final version of the
draft law on decentralization], Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, 9 July 2015,http://dt.ua/POLITICS/u-nf-zayavili-pro-shvalennya-venecianskoyi-komisiyeyu-ostatochnoyi-redakciyi-proektu-decentralizaciyi-178373_.html
[42] “Decentralization
Reform,” National Reforms Council, accessed 5 April 2016,http://reforms.in.ua/en/reforms/decentralization-reform
[43] “Відкритий лист Ради суддів України” [Open letter to the
Council of Judges of Ukraine], Dzerkalo Tizhnya, 6 February 2015, http://gazeta.dt.ua/LAW/vidkritiy-list-radi-suddiv-ukrayini-_.html
[44] “Opinion on
the Proposed Amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine regarding the Judiciary
as Approved by the Constitutional Commission on 4 September 2015,” Venice
Commission, 26 October 2015, http://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/?pdf=CDL-AD(2015)027-e
[45] “Judicial
Reform,” National Reforms Council, accessed 5 April 2016,http://reforms.in.ua/en/reforms/judicial-reform
[46] “Law
Enforcement Reform,” National Reforms Council, accessed 5 April 2016,http://reforms.in.ua/en/reforms/law-enforcement-reform
[47] “Ukraine’s
Leaders Continue to Stall on International Criminal Court,” Kharkiv Human
Rights Protection Group, 17 December 2015, http://khpg.org/en/index.php?id=1449961241
[48] Index of
Reform Monitoring, “Release 15, Monitoring Period: July 20–August 2, 2015,”
VoxUkraine, 2 August 2015, http://imorevox.in.ua/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/IMoRe-report2015_08_02_ENG.pdf
[49] Arsen
Avakov, “Зрада на марші” [Betrayal on the march], Ukrayinska Pravda, 6
October 2015, http://blogs.pravda.com.ua/authors/avakov/5613f0c993044/
[50] “Прогрес у реформах у липні 2015 року” [Progress on
reforms in July 2015], Ukraine Crisis Media Center, 3 August 2015, http://uacrisis.org/ua/30417-progres-u-reformah-u-lipni-2015-roku
[51] “Через
півтора року в Україні буде в два рази менше прокурорів” [In 1.5 years the
number of prosecutors in Ukraine will be halved], Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, 15 June
2015,http://dt.ua/POLITICS/cherez-pivtora-roku-v-ukrayini-bude-v-dva-razi-menshe-prokuroriv-175916_.html
[52] “За
1,5 роки в Україні не змогли люструвати жодного суддю” [Over 1.5 years, not a single judge in Ukraine
was lustrated], Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, 11 July 2015,http://dt.ua/UKRAINE/za-1-5-roki-v-ukrayini-ne-zmogli-lyustruvati-zhodogo-suddyu-178556_.html
[53] “Санкції проти режиму Януковича: злочинно змарнований час” [The sanctions
against Yanukovych’s regime: Time that was criminally wasted], Dzerkalo
Tyzhnya, 27 March 2015, http://gazeta.dt.ua/internal/sankciyi-proti-rezhimu-yanukovicha-zlochinno-zmarnovaniy-chas-_.html
[54] “Яценюк
просить ГПУ і суди конфіскувати $ 1,4 млрд Януковича і його оточення” [Yatsenyuk
requests the Prosecutor General’s Office and courts to confiscate $1.4 billion
from Yanukovych and his circle], Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, 12 May 2015,http://dt.ua/UKRAINE/yacenyuk-prosit-gpu-i-sudi-konfiskuvati-1-4-mlrd-yanukovicha-i-yogo-otochennya-172334_.html
[55] “Санкції
проти режиму Януковича: злочинно змарнований час” [The sanctions against
Yanukovych’s regime: Time that was criminally wasted], Dzerkalo Tyzhnya, 27
March 2015, http://gazeta.dt.ua/internal/sankciyi-proti-rezhimu-yanukovicha-zlochinno-zmarnovaniy-chas-_.html
[56] “Ukraine
Parliament Agrees to Dismissal of Top Prosecutor,” Reuters, 10 February
2015, http://www.reuters.com/article/us-ukraine-crisis-poroshenko-idUSKBN0LE0M620150210
[57] “Злочини проти Майдану: результати розслідування” [Crimes against Maidan: Results of investigation], Prosecutor General’s
Office, 25 November 2015,http://www.gp.gov.ua/ua/news.html?_m=publications&_c=view&_t=rec&id=165726
[58] “Діяльність
ГПУ на чолі з Шокіним є окозамилюванням—Каленюк” [Activity of the PGO headed by
Shokin is window dressing—Kalenyuk], Radio Svoboda (RFE/RL), 22 November
2015, http://www.radiosvoboda.org/content/article/27371551.html
[59] Serhiy
Leshchenko, “Конец миссии Шокина” [The end of Shokin’s mission], Ukrayinska
Pravda, 18 November 2015,http://blogs.pravda.com.ua/authors/leschenko/564c4651713ce/
[60] “ВР визначила порядок призначення і звільнення директора Антикорупційного бюро” [VR decided on
the procedure of appointment and dismissal of director of the Anticorruption
Bureau], Yevropeyska Pravda, 12 February 2015,http://www.eurointegration.com.ua/news/2015/02/12/7030803/
[61] “Sytnyk Says
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