Odesa Oblast Governor Mikheil Saakashvili recently suggested that Ukraine needs external administration, which sparked a vigorous debate in the media. But are Ukrainians that incompetent and unable to elect worthy administrators? Does Ukraine really need to be governed by administrators outside of our country?
External control is a symbol of colonialism or semi-colonialism.
Independent states self-govern on behalf of and in the interests of their own people. This is what independence means.
We have seen examples of external management during the reign of Viktor Yanukovych, when Moscow took national security data and stripped Ukraine’s economy and defense. When Yanukovych took Sevastopol and pulled us into the Customs Union, this was a prime example of external control, and it resulted in the Ukrainian people rising up decisively against it.
Instead of implementing profound and irreversible reforms after the Revolution of Dignity (that drove Yanukovych from power in 2014), our government is again becoming ensnared in a rerun of 2005 when internal strife was rife.
But the situation this time is different and more serious: we are at war and 9 percent of our territory is occupied. In December, U.S. Vice President Joe Biden reminded parliament that time is running out. Ukrainians need to be wary and not pass up this historic chance.
Others have suggested that Western control is Ukraine’s only hope. That may be true, but it’s important to be clear: “external control” and “Western control” are completely different.
Effective control combined with effective support for Ukraine to reform would be the formula that is mutually beneficial, and takes into account the interests of both the West and the independence of Ukraine.
Here’s what that formula would look like:
1) The West needs to adopt a policy of “No reforms — no money.” It’s that simple.
2) Ukraine needs to adopt sanctions on corrupt Ukrainian officials who are close to top legislators. Western financial institutions lack leverage in gaining entrance to economic relationships. This is prohibitive to the economy. For example, there must be sanctions against corrupt officials who are still buying expensive international real estate but can't confirm their sources of income or funds. Sanctions on top shady politicians would send a strong message.
3) The West must return the assets taken abroad by the Yanukovych clan. The West doesn't seem to be rushing to return this stolen money to the Ukrainian people, citing a lack of evidence from the prosecutor general.
4) The West needs to take a tougher stance on Russia, demanding the release of the Donbas and Crimea to restore Ukraine’s territorial integrity. This is not only in our interest but in the interest of the West. Allowing Russia to flout the basic norms of international law puts the entire world order and global security in danger.
5) The need for low-cost funds to support Ukraine’s development, modernization, and create opportunities for small and medium-sized businesses is urgent to counter Russia’s economic and armed aggression.
6) Ukraine needs global support in key international organizations and to expand economic relationships and gain allies and close relationships with other countries like those we have with Estonia, Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, and Scandinavia.
The no-confidence vote in parliament on Feb. 16 demonstrates that Ukraine’s governance is in trouble. Ukraine should take five immediate steps to improve its governance:
1) Embark on a real fight against corruption and actually eliminate it. Corrupt officials should be behind bars. But more importantly we need to eliminate the causes of corruption.
2) We have to establish social ladders for progress so that the best and the brightest can get to the top, and so that they stay in Ukraine. For far too long, success in Ukraine has not been a matter of merit. 3 Society must grow up, develop and take responsibility. This means giving ordinary citizens an opportunity to contribute.
4) Economic and social policy need massive changes. Ukraine needs to develop a strong middle class and give everyone the same opportunities.
5) The joint efforts of professional and decent people, who are still in the minority and need to be in the majority. It is already noticeable that this is a force capable of and willing to set the agenda for the future in joint endeavors.
Our fate is in our hands. We must put Ukraine above our personal ambitions and be prepared for the long haul.
Hanna Hopko is an independent member of the Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine's parliament.
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