Russia beams message into Georgia: ‘You belong to us’

Felix Kartte

TBILISI, Georgia — The EU used to be seen here as a beacon of democracy and prosperity. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the prospect of membership fueled reforms all over the region. The allure of today’s European Union, plagued with crisis, appears to be waning. 

For most Georgians, Europe is little more than a fantasy that comes to life on the streets of Tbilisi’s fancy tourist quarter. Just around the corner from swanky bars and chic boutiques, hardship persists: children scrounge for cigarettes. Half-finished high-rise buildings, in which whole families live in poverty and without basic services, are dotted with satellite dishes that mostly broadcast Russian programs. They deliver a powerful message to Georgian homes: You belong to us. 

Russian is the strongest foreign language spoken in Georgia, with English coming a distant second. Along with the language, the common Christian Orthodox faith provides a strong cultural tie with Moscow.

Europe may be a desire here, but Russia is family, despite painful quarrels.

Russia has long used culture and religion as a tool of power and influence beyond its borders. Recently, Georgia has again become the main target of Moscow’s propaganda. For the most part, it has successfully poked holes into Georgia’s pro-EU consensus.

Europe’s mistake

About 60 percent of Georgians still support accession, according to David Aprasidze, a political science professor at Ilia State University, located on the outskirts of Tbilisi. Aprasidze was a PhD student in Germany and students chatting outside his office look like they are in a London hipster café. Many have studied at major universities in various EU capitals. For these young Georgians, Europe is no longer a fantasy, but a reality.

“We know the propaganda, all the talk saying that Europe despises us” — Zura Kobadze, political science student

However, “many people here are beginning to wonder if Europe is serious about them,” Aprasidze said. There has been positive impact from Brussels, he explained: The EU has helped break monopolies in Georgia’s energy sector and has elevated food safety standards, for example. But these are technical procedures that can’t win over Georgians’ hearts, Aprasidze said, stressing that it was a mistake that the European Commission has from the outset excluded Georgia from the accession process.

The EU is simply doing too little to keep Georgians on board. “It’s not enough to say: just become like us, it will do you good,” Aprasidze said.

While Europe aims to export democracy to the South Caucasus, it is denying Georgia the prospect of one day joining the European club. Even though changing governments have been outspoken on their intention to become an EU member, the country has never been granted candidate status. Moreover, Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker has ruled out further admissions for the duration of his term, saying that the EU needs time to accommodate the last group of new members.

In addition, EU policymakers are reluctant to get involved in Georgia’s ongoing tensions with Russia.

Russia’s gain 

Eastern Partnership is what the EU has labeled its half-baked response to Russia’s attempts to lure its neighbors back into Moscow’s sphere of influence. The program was created in 2009 and intended to offer reform initiatives for former Soviet states such as Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus, but without any promise of EU accession talks.

Georgia’s Westernization once appeared to be a done deal. It was part of former president Michail Saakaschwili’s plan to force Europe on his country, flying EU flags outside government buildings while banning pro-Russian voices from the media. Europe did not reward these efforts and a sense of disappointment settled into Georgian society. In 2012, the ‘Georgian Dream’ coalition took over the government, committing to the European path, but also promising to improve ties with Russia after the 2008 conflict. Media censorship was eased and anti-European voices filled public space.

This opened a window of opportunity for Russia: it swiftly forged alliances with ultra-conservatives, while pouring money into pro-Russian media and NGOs. Since then, the new alliance seeks to strengthen the message that is already deeply rooted in Georgian society: Russia is a traditional and natural ally, while the West is a temple of decadence and a haven for homosexuals.

The EU does have another carrot for Georgians to keep them waiting at Europe’s gate a bit longer – lifting visas that would allow them to travel to the Schengen area as soon as this fall. The Commission has already given its approval, while both the European Parliament and the Council are still to adopt the decision. Freed of administrative hurdles, Georgians would thus be able to travel to Europe, reducing both geographical and psychological distance. Travel businesses and airlines are ready: from September on, low-cost carriers will start flying from Kutaisi to destinations such as Berlin and Munich.

Sputnik on line 

Still, Aprasidze fears that the EU’s refugee crisis and recent terror attacks in Paris and Brussels as well as extension of internal border controls could jeopardize the possibility of visa-free travel to Europe. “If the EU is to abolish Schengen, there will hardly be visa-free immigration for Georgians.” This would be grist to the mill of pro-Russian populists and finally help them turn the mood in Georgia against Europe.

They have been working on it for some time, and on all fronts. The so-called Eurasian Institute is located in an unpretentious office building, only minutes away from Aprasidze’s university. The organization is co-funded by Russian donors, and it has become the backbone of the anti-Europe lobby. “Visa Freedom – or the European lie?” a recent event was titled. The organization offers free Russian language courses and its Facebook page has more than 10,000 followers.

“The political class is clinging to the West, but the Georgian people no longer agree,” the group’s website says. Its aim is to alienate ordinary citizens from the political elite in Tbilisi. The Eurasian Institute cooperates with a wide network of pro-Russian and conservative organizations. They include Sputnik, Moscow’s international multimedia service and its preferred propaganda tool since 2014. Georgian authorities had revoked Sputnik’s broadcasting license, but the outlet simply shifted its activities to social media.

This approach forms part of Russia’s broader strategy of restoring Soviet-style power in its former area of influence. In Serbia, for instance, Russia similarly funds anti-EU organizations and Sputnik is active there as well. As in Georgia, in Serbia, too, the social climate is susceptible to Russia’s propaganda as anti-Western sentiments run deep.

“Serbs are not amazed by the EU’s poor management of the refugee crisis, [and] approval for accession is generally declining,” human rights lawyer Milan Antonijević said. Meanwhile, anti-gay hate is surging and ultra-conservatives feel pumped up by the success of right-wing extremist parties in Germany and France.

Visa liberalization

Contrary to Georgia, Serbia is already in accession negotiations with the EU, while generally having much stronger political and economic ties with the continent. A step back towards Russia is thus unlikely to happen. In a country as vulnerable as Georgia, however, the European deal is far from sealed.

Just outside the Georgian parliament, located in an imposing Soviet-era building, a few hundred people gathered on April 9 to lay down flowers in memory of 20 students who were shot by Russian soldiers during the 1989 demonstrations for Georgia’s independence.

Over the years, the commemoration has turned into an annual gathering for the country’s pro-European forces: TV crews take their positions and politicians give speeches. High above them the communist red star is still perched the parliament’s roof, as if mocking these European enthusiasts.

“We know the propaganda, all the talk saying that Europe despises us,” said Zura Kobadze a political science student in his early twenties. He was there with about two dozen of his peers, all wearing T-shirts with the EU flag printed on it. “We need Europe in order to change our own country,” Kobadze said.

Fighting corruption and giving the system an overhaul; that’s what these students want. They hope to obtain the necessary knowledge in Europe, this is why they have put all their hope on the EU to lift the visa requirement. Is Europe worthy of their trust? “Yes, I believe so,” Kobadze said, but then hesitated. “I want to believe so.”

Felix Kartte is a freelance journalist based in Brussels.