Christopher Balding
Life has few certainties except for death, taxes, and large Chinese trade
surpluses. The expected large Chinese trade surpluses are always referred
to as both proof of the strength of the Chinese economy and its financial
foundation as money continues to flow in. In nominal RMB terms, the trade
surplus amounted to 5.5% of GDP or 79% of total GDP growth. In other
words, in 2015 China is almost entirely dependent on maintaining a large trade
balance to drive GDP growth.
However, what if the assumed trade balance did not actually exist? In
fact, how would it change our understanding of the Chinese economy and
financial markets if the assumed trade surplus was actually a trade
deficit? Unfortunately, this is not a counterfactual but the
reality. China is running a small trade deficit.
The widely cited international trade data is provided by Chinese customs
records. The value of goods leaving and entering and China is recorded by
the Customs Bureau.
According to Customs data, China imported $1.69
trillion (10.45 trillion RMB) and exported $2.27 trillion (14.14 trillion RMB)
for a resulting trade balance of $593 billion (3.7 trillion RMB). These
often repeated numbers form the basis for why China is running a large trade
surplus.
Before explaining why China has no trade surplus, it is important lay some
related groundwork. By now China watchers knows about the practice of
trade misinvoicing. This is the practice where, as originally executed,
capital was either moved into or out of the country based upon fraudulently
invoicing an import or export. For instance, by over invoicing an export,
capital can flow into China as the foreign counter party is over paying for the
good and vice versa for imports.
To take one example, of trade between Mainland China and Hong Kong, there
are significant discrepancies between the value reported to Chinese customs and
Hong Kong customs. Hong Kong reported imports from China worth $255
million USD but China reported exports to Hong Kong of $335 million USD.
The 31% difference in customs prices, or $79 million, is too large to be
unintentional and acts as a capital inflow into China.
Conversely, China
reports $12.8 billion USD of imports from Hong Kong but Hong Kong only reports
$2.6 billion USD of exports to China. The 385% difference is far in
excess of the low mid to single digit invoicing discrepancies that are standard
in global trade. Consequently, the $10.1 billion USD in over invoiced
Chinese “imports” acts as a capital outflow from China.
Misinvoicing contributes a not entirely insignificant share to unrecorded
capital inflows and outflows. However, Chinese authorities have become
much more aware and concerned about these issues and gone through various
waves of cracking down over this issue. Furthermore, the aggregate sums here
are not enough to move the RMB and cause the currency pressures we are
currently seeing. In fact, misinvoicing is merely the beginning of the
financial flow problems in trade with Chinese innovation taking it a step
further.
China, as a country with strict currency controls, maintains records on
international financial transactions sorted by a variety of categories.
For instance, there is data on payment or receipt of funds by current or
capital account, goods or service trade, and direct or portfolio investment.
For our purposes, this allows us to compare in a relatively straightforward
manner, how international payments are flowing compared to the customs reported
flow of goods.
The differences in key data surrounding trade data is illustrative.
Chinese Customs data reports goods exports valued at $2.27 trillion, with SAFE
reporting goods exports of $2.14 trillion but Chinese banks report receipts of
$2.37 trillion. In other words, funds received for exports of goods and
services or about $100 billion higher than reported. At 4-11% higher than
the Customs and SAFE reported values this is slightly elevated, but given
expected discrepancies in the mid-single digits, this number is slightly
elevated but not extreme.
The differences between import and international payment data, however, is
astounding. Whereas Chinese Customs reports $1.68 trillion and SAFE report
$1.57 in goods imports into China, banks report paying $2.55 trillion for
imports. In other words, funds paid for imported goods and services was
$870-980 billion or 52-62% higher
than official Customs and SAFE trade data. This level of discrepancy is
extreme in both absolute and relative terms and cannot simply be called a
rounding error but is nothing less than systemic fraud.
If we adjust the official trade in goods and services balance to reflect
cash flows rather than official headline trade data as reported by both Customs
and SAFE, the differences are even worse. According to
official Customs and SAFE data, China ran a goods trade surplus of $593 or $576
billion but according to bank payment and receipt data, China ran a goods trade
surplus of only $128 billion. If we include service trade, the picture
worsens considerably. China via SAFE trade data reports a $207 billion
trade deficit in services trade. Payment data reported via SAFE actually
reports about $42 billion smaller deficit of $165 billion. In other
words, the supposed trade surplus of $600 billion has become a trade in goods
and services deficit of $36
billion. Expand to the current, through a significant primary income
deficit, and the total current account deficit is now $124 billion.
There are two very important things to emphasize about these
discrepancies. First, the imports customs and payment discrepancy is
responsible for essentially all of the discrepancy between payments and
customs. Neither goods exports or differences between service imports at
customs and payments explain the difference. In fact, service is
underpaid according to payment and customs data. Second, if there was a
more benign explanation, we would expect to see symmetry between various
categories. Rather, we see most categories reconciling close enough and
one channel, conveniently enough one that funnels capital out of China,
enormously mis-stated.
This discrepancy between official reported trade data and bank payments is
a relatively new phenomenon but has been growing rapidly and reveals important
details about flows into and out of China. For instance, since 2010 China
has an aggregate trade in goods and services surplus based upon payments of 1.9
trillion RMB; however, since 2012 an aggregate deficit of 120 billion RMB. 2010
and 2011 were the only years where China ran a trade in goods and services
surplus using payments data rather than customs data.
Expanding to
consider the current account significantly worsens the outlook. From 2010
to 2015, China has run a current account surplus of 462 billion RMB but from
2012 to 2015 ran a deficit of
1.44 trillion RMB. The reason for the shift is simple. In 2012,
China freed international currency transactions made through the current
account creating an enormous asymmetry.
There are a number of important conclusions and implications of the data
presented here. First, if we adjust the Chinese traded good surplus on a
cash flow basis and include the trade deficit resulting in a net export
deficit, Chinese GDP growth in 2015 grew only 0.3%. If a positive trade
balance in economic accounting directly adds to GDP growth then a deficit
directly reduces it. Consequently, swinging from a goods trade surplus of
5.5% of GDP to a goods and services trade deficit of negative 0.3% of GDP has
an enormous impact on GDP growth rates.
There is a key distinction here
that is important to note and that is on a cash flow basis. Economic
accounting holds that GDP grows because when running a trade surplus,
additional cash flow is received than is expended. This leads to higher
investment through savings. In 2015, financial flows indicate this did not
happen and there was not trade surplus on a cash flow basis due to the
discrepancy between Customs and SAFE reported trade in goods and services
values and what banks paid.
Second, the impact on real GDP and output is currently unknown. There
are numerous reasons to question the veracity of numerous aspects of the data
which would change our understanding of the data. For instance, there are
examples of goods round tripping into and out of China designed solely to
facilitate implicit capital transactions. Given the enormity of the
discrepancy we see in payments for imports, we cannot rule out that a not
insignificant amount of trade was either round tripping or phantom trade.
As physical output of many products from industrial to consumer only increased
in the low single digits, this would match closer the implied Chinese growth
rate of 0.3%.
Third, this sheds new light on the state of Chinese finances and RMB
outflows. For instance, the differential between Customs and bank data
reveals rising outflow discrepancies since 2012. While many have begun to
worry recently about rising pressure on the RMB, it is clear that outflows from
China are long lasting, large, and completely domestically driven.
In
2015 the capital account maintained healthy levels with the outward direct investment
balance in a small deficit of 28.3 billion RMB while the securities investment
balance was in an even tinier deficit of 2.9 billion RMB. Consequently,
calls for “temporary capital controls” or attributing it to a recent increase
in outward direct investment reveal a profound misunderstanding of what the
problem is. There is nothing temporary, foreign, or speculative about RMB
outflows. In fact, quite the opposite. It is domestically driven
long term capital flight which should change the framework of what solutions
are called for in managing RMB policy.
Fourth, the change in the current account deficit is a major driver in
changes to PBOC foreign exchange
reserves. While these are
disguised capital outflows, for accounting purposes it is showing up in the
current account statements. Consequently, while China shows only small
capital account deficit of $75 billion and a cash flow current account deficit
of $121 billion, this shift largely explains the currency pressures on the
RMB. If you look simply at the Customs reported trade surplus, it would
understandably be puzzling why the RMB is under so much pressure when China
continues to run a $593 billion trade surplus. However, in reality
official flows are negative to the tune of about $200 billion in 2015.
Add in official net errors and omissions outflows in 2015 of $132 billion and
it becomes quite clear why the Chinese RMB is under pressure.
Fifth, regardless the impact on GDP, it is quite clear that cash flows
within the Chinese economy are very tight. The boost from surplus
payments that is typically seen from a trade surplus is not present and firms
are struggling to pay bills. Payables and receivables continue to rise
rapidly as liquidity deteriorates. Again we cannot say for sure whether
this is actual production being purchased or simply phantom production, though
it is likely some blend of the two. What is important to note is that liquidity
is much tighter within the Chinese economy than understood.
Sixth, the nature of capital flight from China cuts directly to the heart
of why capital controls would be a poor remedy. Capital is not leaving
through the capital account. Rather with a restricted capital account and
a relatively free international transaction via the current account,
enterprising Chinese are moving capital via the current account. To
arrest the flood of capital leaving this way, it would require China to bring
goods and services trade in the world’s second largest economy to a complete
standstill. Every transaction would have to be verified for units, market
price, agreement between importer and exporter, and accurate payment matching
the invoice. It is simply not feasible to impose currency controls that
would arrest disguised capital outflows via international goods and services
payment without bring international trade in China to a halt.
It is likely the PBOC is aware of the discrepancy between Customs and SAFE
reported trade data and what the banks are paying via the current
account. In his interview with Caixin, PBOC Governor Zhou Xiaochuan was
very careful to say that China ran a “surplus in the trade of goods” rather than current account, trade surplus, or
payments and receipts for international trade. Many foreign and Chinese
agencies and analysts confuse these multiple categories referring to them as
one category but they are not. His mention indicates he likely
understands how capital is leaving the country and why capital controls would
be a poor remedy which is also indicated.
It is quite clear that the expected $600 billion trade surplus is not
hitting the Chinese economy for reasons and some implications that are still
unclear. What we can say, is that this is negatively impacting GDP growth
and liquidity.
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