Linas Linkevičius
the minister of foreign affairs of Lithuania
The cold shoulder might solve Russia’s
abusive relationship with the Alliance.
For many years #NATO attempted to use dialogue as the basis for its
partnership with Russia. The Alliance operated in the spirit of trust and
transparency.
But this trust was, too often, abused: Russia disregarded the
principles laid down in the 1997 NATO–Russia Founding Act; withdrew from the Conventional Forces in Europe
Treaty; violated the
Helsinki Act; bullied its neighbors, and tried to block Central European
democracies from becoming NATO members.
And still the Alliance continued to hope
for a constructive approach from #Moscow. It agreed to work with Russia on
missile defense, and, after Moscow’s military aggression in Georgia in 2008,
only suspended formal
meetings and cooperation in some areas.
This approach stems from the Western
belief that deep-rooted differences of principle can be resolved at the
negotiation table. But it needs to change.
NATO must make sure the discussions do not serve as a smokescreen that
favors the aggressor. This is particularly important as Russia tries to
blackmail NATO into renewing frozen relations.
At the Munich Security Conference Russia’s
Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev warned of
the likelihood of a new Cold War. Medvedev called for intensive dialogue and
for the restoration of mechanisms to settle concerns, such as mutual arms
control. He blamed the West for “refusing to cooperate.”
Medvedev’s “blame-the-West” narrative was
even seriously discussed in Europe, with some leaders suggesting that Western
countries should go back to business as usual with Russia.
Nobody denies the importance of such
dialogue. But how can the West assure that this “normal dialogue” is not
regarded as tacit endorsement of Russian crimes?
It’s important to get the facts straight. #NATO-Russia_relations are at
their lowest ebb in years. This is not because democratic governments made
“statements of deep concern” regarding Russian involvement in #Ukraine.
Deteriorated NATO-Russia relations are a direct consequence of this aggression.
Russia grossly violated international law and Ukraine’s sovereignty by annexing
Crimea. Its tanks still roll down the streets of Donetsk and its bullets still
kill Ukrainian soldiers defending their homeland.
Beyond Ukraine, the Kremlin continues to
engage in massive propaganda campaigns aimed at dividing NATO and the EU. It
has even gone so far as to use the migration crisis to its own advantage. Do
these actions really fall in line with the sincere wish to cooperate with
Europe Medvedev had talked about?
Russian actions have made huge fissures in the European security
architecture, and the Kremlin shows no sign of changing course. It uses
instability in the Middle East and North Africa to obstruct the international
coalition’s efforts to fight terrorism and play down concerns about its
aggression in Europe. Such policies aggravate our present security threats.
Serious NATO-Russia dialogue must address
real concerns. Admitting that the Kremlin is a part of the conflict in Ukraine
would be a good start. Russia has to explain its aggression in Ukraine, withdraw
its troops, ensure border control, and return annexed Crimea. This will not
happen overnight, but Russia must take first steps in this direction
immediately, and prove that it wants to take up constructive dialogue.
If Moscow is to engage in a true partnership with NATO, it must stop its
reckless and provocative military activities at NATO borders, including Russian
military flights with switched-off
transponders over the Baltic Sea (these threaten even
civil aviation), violations of Turkey’s airspace, and massive military drills without
first warning its neighbors.
Settling for less is not an option. It
would open the door to repeating the same mistakes over and over again. The
lessons of the 21st century are the same as those of the 20th: An aggressor
will only stop when it meets a principled and unified position. If Putin had
met an unwavering response following his aggression in Crimea, residents of
Donetsk and Luhansk would not be living in a state of war but in a democratic
country — a far preferable situation, no matter how imperfect the state of that
democracy.
A reasonable Western policy toward Russia
should be based on what Russia does, not what it says. Terrorist threats or the
need to solve migration issues shouldn’t lead us to turn a blind eye to
Russia’s aggression and threats against its neighbors, its disregard for
agreements and international law. No country should be allowed to cherry-pick
which rules it will implement and which ones it won’t, at the expense of the
sovereignty of other nations and international peace. Dialogue can only yield
results if it is truly constructive and does not attempt to undermine
diplomatic and democratic principles.
If Russia intends to use dialogue with the
West as a platform for propaganda, then meeting Russian officials is no more
useful than watching Russia Today — a Kremlin-funded television channel that
should be called Russia Yesterday for its glorification of the Soviets and Cold
War era. Holding meetings for the sake of meetings is worthless. Russia needs
to prove, through action, that it is truly ready for dialogue.
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