WHEN polling stations closed
in Ireland at 10pm on February 26th, Fine Gael and Labour, the two parties that
make up the governing coalition, were hoping that the pollsters would be wrong.
History, in the form of the surprise victory last May of the Conservative party
in Britain after five years of austerity, could be repeated in Ireland, they
thought.
But those hopes were soon
dashed by two exit polls published overnight, suggesting that the government
parties have done even worse than expected. Fine Gael was expecting more than
30% of the vote and to emerge the largest party in the Dáil, Ireland's lower chamber of parliament, by a large margin.
Although the full result may not be known until Tuesday, initial tallies
suggest the party may have received as little as 25% of the vote, with
second-placed Fianna Fáil, the populist party that dominated Irish politics
before the financial crisis, hot on its heels in terms of seats. And Labour
looks as though it will do worse than predicted too. Although Joan Burton, the
Labour leader (pictured right) still managed to retain her seat, her party
is set to lose the vast majority of its representatives.
In contrast, the opposition,
in the form of Fianna
Fáil, Sinn Féin (a left-wing nationalist party), and other smaller
left-leaning groupings, look set to make big gains. Independents are also
expected to receive a record share of the vote: as much as a sixth of the
total, according to the exit polls. Symbolically, the first candidate declared
elected was Shane Ross, the head of the Independent Alliance, a grouping of
non-aligned politicians.
The result will leave Fine
Gael and Labour wondering what went wrong. The future of Enda Kenny (pictured
left) as leader of Fine Gael will come into question; Ms Burton may also
be in jeopardy. The polls had long predicted Labour's rout, as voters
punished it for the government's austerity policies over the past five years;
for Fine Gael, however, the result is a shock. Its campaign was gaffe-prone:
one low point was Mr Kenny calling his own constituents "all-Ireland
whingers". But it is also clear that its main message, "Let's keep
the recovery going", which it borrowed from the British
Conservatives' successful campaign, failed to resonate among Irish voters.
The election may also mark a watershed in
Irish politics. It could turn out to be the first election in the history of
the Irish state in which the two parties that emerged out of the Irish civil
war of the 1920s, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil, failed to win more than 50% of the
ballots cast. But the fragmentation of support leaves no obvious
coalition able to assemble a majority, much like recent elections in Portugal
and Spain.
The leaders of Fine Gael and
Fianna Fáil have ruled out a deal with each other; the parties’ mutual distrust
dates back to the civil war. Besides, Fianna Fáil fears it would lose support
if it became Fine Gael’s junior coalition partner, just as Labour has over the
past five years. Both parties, and particularly Fianna
Fáil, have also ruled out any coalition involving Sinn Féin, which
they see as fiscally irresponsible, and tainted by its past involvement in
violence and links to the Irish Republican Army in Northern Ireland.
Fianna Fáil has also said that
it does not want to go into government and leave Sinn Féin as the official
opposition, fearing that putting the party near power could discourage foreign
investment into Ireland. That appears to leave one solution: some sort of
temporary confidence-and-supply deal between the government and Fianna
Fáil, with another election being called later in the year. The Irish people
have spoken, but they may soon be asked to speak again—and louder.
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