Oliver Carroll
At first sight it seemed an improbable appointment: a man who had served
twice as president of neighbouring Georgia, parachuted in as governor of a
single region of Ukraine. But for the government in Kiev, beset in the east by
pro-Russian rebels, and facing entrenched corruption and an array of powerful
oligarchs elsewhere, it was an obvious choice.
Two months later, Mikheil Saakashvili, exiled from the country he once
ran, is settling into his new role as governor of Odessa – not just the Black Sea port city with its population of one million,
but the wider and strategically crucial region around it.
He has embarked on a string of dramatic reforms on whose success, he
believes, the future of the region, with its large Russian speaking and perhaps
Moscow leaning minority, depends. And he will be reminding anyone who will
listen that among the greatest threats, not just to Ukraine but to a wide swathe
of eastern Europe, is the Russian president, Vladmir Putin.
While the two presidents were initially on good terms when Saakashvili
emerged victor of the Rose revolution of 2003, things turned sour quickly.
“Putin does not respect national borders and he will push everywhere,”
he said, speaking with bitter experience of a man whose own country went to war
with Russia in 2008, but was unable to prevent the seizure of two pro-Russian
enclaves, now effectively lost from Georgia’s national territory.
“I predicted that Ukraine would be next in 2008, and that the Baltics
would be next,” he said. He believes his prescience at that time means that
people should pay attention to what he thinks now.
“There is no way that they will not go to the Baltics next. There is no
way that they will not revisit Georgia or Azerbaijan. Putin is obsessed with
the idea of testing Nato – this was clear in my long conversations with him.
“Putin said three major things. One, we will make Georgia like Northern
Cyprus. The second was that Ukraine was not a country but a territory. And the
third thing was that the Baltic countries were not defendable. He said all
these things, until we were no longer on talking terms.”
Mr Saakashvili was speaking to The Independent in
one of his first interviews with a western newspaper since he was appointed
governor of Odessa by Ukrainian president Petro Poroshenko at the end of May –
one day after he voluntarily gave up his Georgian citizenship and assumed
Ukrainian nationality.
He made an immediate impression within days of his appointment. He was
seen publicly haranguing local prosecutors for running “racketeering schemes”
against local businessmen; the video of this performance was watched by
millions. Later, he took aim at air regulators, declaring a new open skies
policy above Odessa.
“Oligarchs can have their airlines, but they can’t expect me to let them
have a monopoly,” he said. Few missed the thinly veiled reference to Igor
Kolomoisky, rival and major shareholder in the national flag carrier, Ukraine
International, and leading player in the Odessa port.
Sitting in his office on the fifth floor of the Odessa regional
government administration building, on the edge of the city centre, he talked
in detail about the challenge he faces to overcome the culture of corruption,
mafia and powerful oligarchs that have become entrenched in the region since
the collapse of the Soviet Union.
He says he is not afraid of threats against him personally. “I am the
only person still walking who Putin has menaced to kill,” he said, speaking in
English. But he does believe that the Baltic states – Lithuania, Latvia and
Estonia, all of which, like Georgia and Ukraine, were once part of the Soviet
Union – should increase their defences urgently.
“Putin asked whether Lithuanian president Adamkus really [thought] two
or three scrap metal planes from Nato [could] defend him,” recalled Mr
Saakashvili, then recounted the Russian president’s chilling next remarks: “We
are laughing at this equipment. Does he really think Nato will fight for the
Balts?”
Tensions in Odessa were running high after 42 mostly pro-Russian
demonstrators were burned to death when a trades union building was set on fire
in May last year – an incident that some feared might be used as a pretext by
Russia to step in, much as it had when it seized Crimea. Saakashvili has
promised further investigations into what happened, and to establish a
permanent memorial to those who died.
But his main strategy for making Odessa more secure against any threat
from Russia is his drive to eliminate corruption and Odessa’s pervasive mafia –
much as he did in Gerogia. While he was president, the country rose to eighth
place in ease of doing business indices and his economic achievements were
coined the “Georgian miracle” by supporters.
He believes that Putin is nervous about the ideas presented by his
Odessa experiment. “Changing the fundamental economics in a Russian-speaking
region gives us a chance to kill corruption and undermine the whole of the
Putin story,” he said. “Putin says only brutal force can hold post-Soviet
countries together. A reformed, thriving, Odessa would challenge that.”
He has no doubt about who his enemies are. Who are Putin’s closest
allies? “I would say corrupt officials.
Corrupt officials in Ukraine are naturally anti-Western. Usually when
you talk to corrupt policemen or customs officers, they are very angry about
Americans and they are naturally soft on the Russians.
“And that has been my experience all the way through. On the other
hand, if you look at the younger generation, they want cleaner governments and
are very much pro-Western.”
The faded resort and port city of Odessa has certainly seen better days.
But the energy and direction he and his team of sharp-suited advisers are
bringing have led many to believe that the whole of Ukraine’s faltering reform
programme might just be jump-started here.
And following initial bewilderment at the appointment, many Odessa
residents and foreign investors have begun to hope in the new governor. “He’s
over the top”, says American investor Theadeus Worlff. “But I think that’s what
this place needs. It’s a clash of civilisations, and we need a larger than life
character.”
Saakashvili seems happy to fulfil that role. “Putin doesn’t like me or
people like me,” he said. “We defied Putin’s understanding of what the post-Soviet
world was to be.” Under his watch in Georgia, he says, there were “many times
less criminality than in Russia” and it was the least corrupt country in the
region. “All these things make him nervous. And I think that’s he’s still very
worried about Ukraine. Because if Ukraine makes it, everything built around him
will collapse.”
South Ossetia: Cause for concern
In November last year, when residents of the disputed east of Ukraine
voted in favour of a pro-Russian leader, the poll was widely denounced as a
“farce”. There was, however, one region to recognise the result – breakaway
South Ossetia, on the Russian border with Georgia.
Mikheil Saakashvili, enemy of Vladimir Putin who did much to implant
democracy in Georgia, left the country in June, claiming he faced “guaranteed
imprisonment”.
Mr Saakashvili, who has been accused of abuses of power, was given
sanctuary by Ukraine’s President Petro Poroshenko, who in turn appointed him
governor of Odessa.
Georgia says Russian forces in South Ossetia have pushed the de facto
border nearly half a mile into its territory. UN Secretary General Ban
Ki-moon has said he is “concerned” about recent activity in South Ossetia.
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