Tuesday, August 23, 2016

Ukraine celebrates, with an eye on Russia


Kiev is increasingly worried about the risk of a renewed war with Moscow.


KIEV — More than 200 military vehicles — including tanks and missile carriers — flanked by ranks of troops are being prepared for Ukraine’s largest-ever military parade on Wednesday.

The martial tone of Ukraine’s independence day celebrations isn’t unexpected. Two years ago, the date marked a large-scale offensive by Russian-backed forces in eastern Ukraine, while last year, late August saw another upsurge in violence.
The worry is that the same thing will happen again this year.
In Kremlin-annexed Crimea, Russian forces conducted military exercises this week. Video footage showed soldiers and heavy machinery making amphibious beachhead landings.
Fighting between Ukrainian forces and Russian-backed separatists has escalated dramatically in eastern Ukraine, and Kiev officials say that some 40,000 Russian troops have moved close to Ukraine’s borders. Last week, Petro Poroshenko, Ukraine’s president, warned of the possibility of a “full-scale invasion on all fronts.”
Poroshenko has placed Ukraine’s army on high alert and said he could introduce martial law if the situation worsens further. Meanwhile, Ukrainian forces reported their worst month of casualties in a year.
Kiev worries that the spike in fighting is part of what could be a broader offensive. The government says that in addition to the troop build-up on Russia’s borders, Moscow is shifting fighters and heavy weapons into the breakaway Luhansk and Donetsk People’s Republics. Russia announced it has moved a sophisticated S400 air defense system to Crimea, with a range of more than 300 kilometers, to protect against NATO “air hooligans.”
And then there are the Kremlin’s claims that Ukraine carried out “terrorist” incursions into Crimea at the beginning of the month, in an attempt to blow up key pieces of infrastructure on the peninsula.
Kiev says this claim is a flat-out lie. Ukraine was supported by Donald Tusk, the European Council president, who said his assessment was similar to Poroshenko’s, and that Russia’s version of events was “unreliable.”
But what worries Ukrainian authorities most of all is the escalation in the Kremlin’s rhetoric. Vladimir Putin, the Russian president, said that he would “not let pass” the alleged Ukrainian attack, and his foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov, promised Moscow’s response would be “exhaustive.”
“Putin’s comments … are somewhat ominous, as Putin is not someone to make idle threats, and especially not this side of State Duma elections in Russia, due on September 18,” said Timothy Ash, a senior analyst at the Nomura financial investment group, in a research note.

Mulling invasion

But would Russia actually invade? Most analysts believe that such a move would carry too great a risk.
“Logically this seems impossible,” said Paul Quinn-Judge, senior advisor for Ukraine and Russia at the Brussels-based International Crisis Group. “This would require Russia in essence to admit responsibility for the eastern crisis  — they continue to deny, all evidence to the contrary, that their troops have played a decisive role — and could reinforce Russia’s isolation.”
Two factors seem to be linked to the Kremlin’s actions: The sanctions that the West has imposed against Russia for its actions in Ukraine appear to be taking an economic toll, and the Minsk peace talks, which seem to have hit stalemate.
Moscow insists that Ukraine implement the so-called Minsk 2 agreement, hammered out in February 2015. In particular, the Russians want Kiev to pass laws that would grant the breakaway regions extensive autonomy, creating a loose “federal state” in Ukraine.
Poroshenko, however, is loath to re-open the question of granting the two separatist regions in eastern Ukraine extra powers. One year ago, when his plan was first debated, riots erupted outside of parliament and three police officers were killed when a grenade exploded. Still, even if Poroshenko manages to assemble enough votes to pass the legislation, his proposals fall far short of what the Kremlin has in mind.
“Moscow is clearly frustrated that the West is not pushing Kiev to implement Minsk,” said Quinn-Judge. “Their loud complaints over an alleged Ukrainian military incursion into Crimea seem to have been an effort to push Kiev’s foreign backers to intensify their pressure on the Ukrainians to move on Minsk.”
However, he adds, this seems not to have achieved the desired effect.

The Russia conundrum

Truth be told, no one has a clear idea what Russia’s intentions are — which has been pretty much the situation since the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis. This is also very much part of the Kremlin’s game plan.
“Calling President Putin these days is increasingly difficult and has been since the annexation of Crimea, then the Russian military intervention in Donbas, and on to Syria,” said Ash. “On all these occasions the Western Russia-watching establishment failed to call events.”
“Perhaps it is fair to say that we should now expect the unexpected from Putin,” he added.
Still, an invasion or comprehensive military offensive seems a less likely scenario at the moment. In addition to leading to a tightening of Western sanctions, Russian troops would face a tough fight and significant casualties, which could lead to an outcry within Russia itself. Ukraine’s military is a much more lethal force than it was when the crisis started two years ago, and its troops have fought the Russian-backed rebels to a standstill.
And even if a Russian push into Ukraine were to succeed, Moscow would be left with the almost impossible task of controlling a large amount of land and a hostile population.
Western diplomats, speaking off the record, say that the likelier aim of the recent increase in tensions is an effort to destabilize Ukraine. Then, if Russia decides to subsequently dial down the pressure, this could be seen as a concession by Moscow, which the Ukrainians would be expected to match.
So far none of this seems to be working. The war continues, the sanctions are still in place and Moscow has not created a federalized Ukraine, which would allow it to extract itself from the conflict.
“A frustrated Kremlin is, obviously, even more dangerous and unpredictable than usual,” said Quinn-Judge.


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