The Battle of Sempach was fought on 9 July 1386, between Leopold III, Duke of Austria and the Old Swiss Confederacy. The battle was a decisive Swiss victory in which
Duke Leopold and numerous Austrian nobles died. The victory helped turn the
loosely allied Swiss Confederation into a more unified nation and is seen as a
turning point in the growth of Switzerland.
During 1383-1384, the expansion of the Old Swiss
Confederacy collided with Austrian interests. The interests of Austria were
further undermined in the Pact of Constance, a union of Zürich, Zug, Solothurn and 51 cities of Swabia. In 1385,
there were various attacks, without formal declaration of war or central
organization, by forces of Zürich, Zug and Lucern on the Austrian strongholds
of Rapperswil, Rothenburg Cham and Wolhusen.
In January 1386, Lucerne expanded its sphere of
influence by entering pacts with a number of towns and valleys under Austrian
control, including Entlebuch, Sempach, Meienberg, Reichensee and Willisau. This move was the immediate cause of war. A local Austrian force defeated
the confederate garrison at Meienberg. On 14 January, Lucerne called the
confederaces for assistance. An armistice was called on 21 February, and
negotiations were held in Zürich. But neither side had any real interest
in ending the conflict at this point, and as the armistice ended, the conflict
escalated into a full-scale military confrontation.
Duke Leopold gathered his troops at Brugg, consisting of his feudal vassals from Swabia, the Alsace, Aargau,
Thurgau, Tyrol, as well as bourgeois forces of various towns and Italian,
French and German mercenaries. In the course of a few weeks, no less than 167
noblemen, both secular and of the church, declared war on the Swiss. These
declarations were sent to the Swiss diet in 20 packets, in order to increase
the effect of shock. On 24 June, a messenger from Württemberg brought 15 declarations of war. Before all
letters had been read, the messenger from Pfirt delivered another eight, and before he had finished speaking, letters
from the lords of Schaffhausen were brought in. Another eight messengers
arrived on the following day.
The gathering of Austrian forces at Brugg
suggested an intended attack on Zürich, and the Confederate forces moved to
protect that city. But Leopold marched south, to Zofingen and on to Willisau, apparently with the intention of ravaging the
Lucerne countryside and perhaps ultimately aiming for the city of Lucerne. The
Austrian army had a troop of mowers with them with the purpose of cutting down
the corn and destroying the harvests along their route. The town of Willisau
was plundered and burned, and the army moved on to Sursee on Lake Sempach, and thence towards Sempach on 9 July.
Leopold's men taunted those behind the walls of
the town, and a knight waved a noose at them and promised them he would use it
on their leaders. Another mockingly pointed to the soldiers setting fire to the
ripe fields of grain, and asked them to send a breakfast to the reapers. From
behind the walls, there was a shouted retort: "Lucerne and the allies will
bring them breakfast!"
Confederate troops of Lucerne, Uri, Schwyz and
Unterwalden had marched back from Zürich once it became clear that this was not
Leopold's target. The forces of Zürich had remained behind defending their own
city, while those of Bern had not heeded the confederate call for assistance.
The Confederation army had presumably assembled
at the bridge over the Reuss River at Gisikon. It marched from there, hoping to catch Leopold still at Sempach where he
could be pressed against the lake. Around noon, the two armies made contact
about 2 km outside of Sempach. This was to the mutual surprise of both
armies, which were both on the move and not in battle order. But both sides
were willing to engage and formed ranks. The site of the battle is marked by
the old battle chapel, which was originally consecrated in the year after the
battle.
The Swiss held the wooded high ground close to
the village of Hildisrieden. Since the terrain was not deemed suitable for
a cavalry attack, Leopold's knights dismounted, and because they did not have
time to prepare for the engagement, they were forced to cut off the tips of
their poulaines which would have hindered their movement on foot. The Swiss
chroniclers report how a huge pile of these shoe-tips was found in a heap after
the battle, and they are also depicted in the background of the battle scene in
the Lucerne Chronicle of 1513.
The main body of the Confederation army finally
completed its deployment from the marching column, formed up, and attacked the
knights from the flank aggressively. The Austrian force, on the other hand,
formed a wide rank and threatened to surround the outnumbered confederates.
How and at what point the battle turned in
favour of the confederates is a matter of debate. It has been suggested that an
important factor was the midday heat in July, which wore out the Austrian
knights wearing heavy armour much more than the lightly armed confederates
(some of which had reportedly no other "armour" than a wooden plank
tied to their left arm as a shield). Another factor may have been a fatal
underestimation of the confederates on the part of the nobility. According to
the account by Tschudi, seeing the small strength of the confederate force, the
nobles were concerned that if they sent the mercenaries in front, as would have
been common practice, they might not see any action at all, as the mercenaries
would finish the job on their own. Therefore they insisted on taking the front
ranks.
Traditional Swiss historiography since the 16th
century has attributed the turning of the tide to the heroic deed of Arnold von Winkelried, who opened a breach in the Habsburg lines by
throwing himself into their pikes, taking them down with his body so that the
confederates could attack through the opening. Winkelried is usually explained as a
legendary figure introduced to explain the Swiss victory against the odds,
perhaps as late as a full century after the battle. The earliest evidence of
the Winkelried legend is the depiction of the battle in the Lucerne Chronicle of 1513. The oldest accounts of the battle
are unambiguous in the judgement that the Swiss victory was against all odds
and expectations, and is attributed to the grace of God.
In any case, the Swiss did break through the
Austrian ranks and routed the enemy army completely. Duke Leopold and with him
a large number of nobles and knights were slain, including several members of the noble
families of Aarberg, Baldegg, Bechburg, Büttikon, Eptingen, Falkenstein, Hallwil, Reinach, Rotberg and Wetter.
An armistice was agreed upon on 12 October,
followed by a peace agreement valid for one year, beginning on 14 January 1387.
The battle was a severe blow to Austrian
interests in the region, and allowed for the further growth of the Old Swiss Confederacy. Already weakened by the 1379 division of Habsburg lands, Leopoldian control of the territories left of the Rhine would collapse over the following years, not least due to the death
toll among the local elites loyal to Habsburg. This allowed the confederate
cities, especially Lucerne, Bern andSolothurn, an unchecked expansion into the undefended
Habsburg lands. Bern, which had not participated in the Sempach war, took the
opportunity and began its conquest of what would become the canton of Bern, sending military expeditions into the Jura, the Oberland, Emmental and Aargau. Lucerne by 1389 was able to consolidate its control over the towns around lake Sempach, Willisau and the Entlebuch, largely corresponding to the extent of the
modern canton of Lucerne. Glarus also took the opportunity to rebel against Habsburg control and
established its independence in the Battle of Näfels in 1388.
A new peace agreement between the confederacy
and Austria was concluded on 1 April 1389, valid for seven years, extended to
20 years on 16 July 1394.
Not without justification, the Battle of Sempach
came to be seen as the decisive turning point between the foundation of the confederacy as a loose pact in the 14th century, and
its growth into a significant political and military
power during the 15th century. At the peak of the military success of the Eight Cantons in the period of 1470 to 1510, Swiss
historiography paid great attention to the Battle of Sempach. It is depicted in
the Swiss
illustrated chronicles of the period, and discussed by Reformation era historiographers such as Aegidius Tschudi and Wernher Steiner. Since there are few historiographical accounts
of the battle predating 1470, it is difficult to judge the historicity of the
individual details. The legend of Arnold Winkelried is recorded in this period, but it cannot
be shown to predate 1500.
The battle chapel at Sempach was consecrated
already in 1387. A yearly mass was celebrated there on the day of the battle. The chapel was repeatedly enlarged. It was
decorated with a fresco in 1551, which was restored and enlarged in 1638–1643,
1695, 1741–43, 1747, and 1886. The current fresco is largely a restoration of
the painting of 1643.
Swiss patriotism in the restored
Confederacy of 1815–1847 rediscovered the formative phase of the Old Confederacy
as a source of national identity. The modern Sempacherlied is a product of 1830s patriotism. During the
World Wars, the Swiss policy of armed neutrality was also ideologically fuelled by
reference to the military successes of the medieval confederacy.
Swiss modernist author Robert Walser (1878–1956) recounts the Battle of Sempach
in brief but violent detail in his short story "The Battle of
Sempach".
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