By John Train
KIEV -- “It’s just like the run-up to World War II,” said the minister.
“Don’t you see? Hitler claimed he just had to have the
Rhineland, Austria absolutely belonged with Germany, the Germans in the
Sudetenland were screaming to join the Reich. Each time it was definitely
his last grab. We now know that the German General staff would have pushed him
out if there had been resistance.
“Anyway, by the time Hitler, in spite of all his promises, had seized
Poland, he could no longer be stopped. Then came France, the Low
Countries, then Norway. After Dunkirk, England and perhaps its empire were at
his mercy. Fortunately for the world, he didn’t seize that opportunity.
After Pearl Harbor he felt he should declare war on America, and that, after
more terrible years of war, led to his end.”
“Could Putin be dumped?”
“No. Putin has vetted Russia’s top military brass very carefully indeed.
He’s in charge, just as Stalin was. The Army can’t possibly get rid of him.
“With Putin, we’re still early in the game. You have the same stream of
broken promises, the same succession of lies, the same torn-up treaties. But
with dictators, it’s cheaper to intervene earlier than later.”
I was in Kiev, the capital of Ukraine, trying to form an opinion of how
things were and what should be done. I met the ministers of Interior and Education,
army officers, the Academy of Science, our able and energetic ambassador
Geoffrey Pyatt, the deputy Speaker of Parliament, the secretary of the National
Security agency and members of the volunteer militias and support groups that
are being formed.
Ukraine is the largest country in Europe, and has a population of about 45
million. Travelling through the countryside, one is struck by its vast amount
of truly black earth, the most fertile kind, like in Iowa. It was considered to
be the breadbasket of Russia, but that doesn’t mean that without Ukraine Russia
will go hungry, since Russia also supplies Ukraine with energy, which it
threatens to cut off. GDP per capita is only $4,000, a third of Poland’s, for
instance. Kiev was the original territory of Russia and has been in and out of
Russia for centuries. It pulled out this time when the Berlin Wall fell. The
cities and towns are clean, pleasant, and bustling. But there is very
widespread governmental corruption, perhaps comparable to Southern Italy.
The country has seen a dreadful amount of violence over the years. There’s
a memorial in Kiev to the several million small farmers Stalin deliberately
starved to death in the ’thirties, another for the millions slain by the
Germans. Ukrainians know about war and suffering.
Just as with Hitler and his supposed need for “Lebensraum” --
expansion space -- Putin has declared his right, his duty, to put together the
old Soviet empire, and he has passed a law to that effect. We can see very
clearly what he’s doing. The evil has already unrolled before our eyes. The
uniformed “green men” without insignia who took over Crimea? Nobody now
supposes that they were other than Russian soldiers.
The Russians are pumping out a full force disinformation campaign, e.g.,
that their seizure of Crimea rescued it from the Ukrainian fascists. Also,
they’re engaging in massive penetration of government and broad ownership of
business, including two of the largest banks.
So as one approaches the new de facto frontier one is a
bit surprised to see no military preparations. In England, when a German
invasion was in prospect after Dunkirk, things were very different! Drilling
with real or wooden rifles, misleading road signs, every sort of psychological
preparation. In Crimea, the attitude was so slack that there was no resistance
whatever. When “green men” in buses with no insignia just pushed their way
right into army bases and told everybody to go home, off they went!
In the east of the country, where I was, it is hard to imagine that if there’s
a sequel things will be completely different, although recruits are being
enrolled and sent off with as little as one week of training. Alas, the top
military are often incompetent.
If the Russian-made tanks roll in, and officers fan out to take over city
halls, police headquarters, TV stations, and public utilities, there seems
little chance of significant resistance.
Chancellor Merkel is taking a much softer line than most Americans, and
Obama (not necessarily Congress or the Joint Chiefs) is roughly on the same
page: send a few truly defensive weapons only, and even then more slowly than
Congress would like, such as night vision goggles and medical
equipment. The Germans fear that the U.S. is congenitally trigger-happy,
and they know that if they make a mistake the consequences could be much harder
on them than on us. Also, economic sanctions hurt the creator as well as
the target.
Ukraine’s danger derives from being outside NATO. If Russia invades even
the weakest of the Baltic states it knows that soon a huge American fleet will
be blockading its ports, that its commercial isolation will be total, and that
it will lose more than it can possibly gain. Ukraine’s different. If Russia
pushes further, sanctions will intensify, internal resistance will become very
intense, and political isolation will be more complete, but its vast military
superiority in this theatre precludes significant overt outside intervention.
This is one reason NATO doesn’t want Ukraine inside.
The Ukrainians are clamoring for modern tanks, American trainers, anti-tank
missiles, secure field telephones (not the jammable cell phones the army uses)
and all the rest. They could well attain a posture that would significantly
deter the Russians. Still, one could not help thinking they should do more for
themselves: special defense bond issues, tax increases, rationing instead of
volunteers sending serious supplies to the boys up front. My friends were twice
asked to provide a TV transmitter, of all things, to counter the continual
volume of effective Russian propaganda. That’s a government task!
One theory, held mostly outside of Ukraine, is that strengthening the
country’s defenses will irritate the Russians. Absurd! That would only apply if
Russia is indeed planning to gobble up more of the country, in which case any
defensive move is proper. One should make aggression as costly as possible.
Second, however, how could things be worse if Russia were indeed irritated?
Without provocation, Russia devoured a chunk of its neighbor!
A long-term solution might well have been for everybody to forget about
Crimea, which was only handed over from Russia as a gesture by Nikita
Khrushchev, and then negotiate a status for Ukraine like that of Austria under
its State Treaty: in foreign affairs neutral, and in business and thought
whatever it likes. Now, however, the anti-Russian attitude in Ukraine is so
strong that such a solution may be impossible: too much has happened.
Very few people expect a general Russian push into Ukraine, but many fear
further bites, particularly in the south, toward Transnistria, beginning with
Mariupol. Marx himself said, “the pole star of Russian policy is foreign
aggression.” To my mind, given what’s known about Russian ways, Ukraine should
be vigorously taking defensive measures while it asks for help. The Russian
bear is at the door, and it’s hungry.
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