President
Putin of Russia is against a strong European Union, and a strong NATO. The
Kremlin likely took part in sniper fire
that killed Ukrainian pro-EU
demonstrators in
2014. Putin took advantage of the Greek financial crisis of 2015 to sow disunity in the
EU.
And in 2016, he is enabling Syria’s Assad to target civilians so they flee
to NATO countries as refugees. Since September 2015 Russia itself utilized
targeted bombing of civilian areas in Syria, including hospitals, and
provides intelligence for bombing in Iraq. Prime
MInister Al-Abadi of Iraq has welcomed Russia to launch airstrikes in Iraq.
Russian
airstrikes in Syria have killed almost 1,400
civilians up to
January 2016. A quarter of the one million refugees entering Europe last year
are from Syria. The rate of refugee flight from Syria is increasing. NATO
Supreme Allied Commander in Europe, Philip Breedlove, said Tuesday that Putin
and Assad are purposefully bombing civilians so refugees cause trouble for
Europe. He estimates up to 1,500 foreign fighters have returned to Europe with
the flow of refugees — needles in a haystack, but needles nonetheless.
Let’s
leave aside the humanitarian and war crime concerns of using refugees as a
weapon. Those arguments will have little effect on Putin, who regularly ignores international
law. If Putin is using refugees as a weapon against
Europe, he is making a strategic mistake.
The
large Syrian and Iraqi population in Europe that fled Putin’s bombs will be a
powerful interest group that could help steer Europe away from its (relative to
the U.S.) pro-Russian sentiment. Currently Europe is much friendlier to Russia
than is the U.S., because European trade with Russia is much higher.
We have
seen how small interest groups can drive foreign policy on certain issues — for
example the effect of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) on U.S.
policy towards Israel. Millions of new E.U. citizens fleeing Russian bombs in
Syria and Iraq could start anti-Putin political interest groups in the E.U.
once they get residency. Refugees in Europe are already politicizing, including
use of nonviolent
civil-disobedience.
Yes,
some terrorist needles in the refugee haystack will be terrorists and could
cause trouble in the E.U. But the haystack will light a fire under E.U. foreign
policy against Russia, and could cause a much more militarized response to
Putin and Assad in Syria, for example no-fly zones, or safe zones for refugees
in Syrian territory. The E.U. refugee interest group could go beyond fighting
Putin in Syria and Iraq, and target his other interests as well, for example
Crimea, Eastern Ukraine, and defense of the Baltics.
These refugees will be
unlikely to support lifting economic sanctions on Russia, while Putin is
bombing their communities in Syria and Iraq. Greece and Hungary, two countries
that in 2015 were particularly friendly towards Russia, are bearing the brunt
of refugees. This has hurt their relations with Moscow. While Prime Minister
Orban has maintained friendly relations with Moscow, there are signs of
dissension within his ruling coalition. Hungary’s Foreign Minister, Peter
Szijjarto, recently supported further NATO enlargement. For
Putin, those are fighting words.
Refugees fleeing Syria and Iraq are mostly ending up Turkey, which is
increasingly averse to Putin’s Russia. Before the downing of a Russian jet by Turkey last November, President
Erdogan of Turkey was friendly towards Russia. Many worried that Putin’s
influence on Erdogan could turn Turkey away from democracy and towards a more
authoritarian orientation. This would have moved Turkey further from its goals
of accession to the E.U., and could have pressured it out of NATO — major
policy wins for Putin.
After
millions of refugees fled into Turkey from Putin and Assad’s scorched-earth
strategy against Sunni rebellion, however, a primarily Sunni Turkey is changing
its tune. Turkey recently shot a Russian fighter jet out of the sky, and has
mooted ideas, with Saudi Arabia, of inserting ground troops into Syria to
create a safe zone for refugees. This could bring Turkish troops in direct
conflict with Russian troops, triggering Article 5 and bringing NATO into the
bilateral conflict.
Putin’s
relatively small and degraded conventional forces would do badly against NATO’s
large and modern military. Despite Putin’s nuclear sabre rattling, he cannot
welcome the prospect of a broader conflict. His weak response to Turkey’s
downing of the Russian fighter jet proves that he wants to avoid escalation
with NATO.
The
refugees dispersed by Putin and Assad are in direct contradiction to the goal
of maintaining peace with NATO. Forcing millions of refugees into NATO
countries will create pressures in Europe to respond with better military
defenses not only against Putin’s use of refugees, but against Putin’s threat
to the Baltics and Eastern Europe.
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