By Teresa Welsh
The
Russian president has plans beyond Ukraine
2010,
President Barack Obama declared a "reset" on U.S. relations with
Russia, to reverse what he called a "dangerous drift." But six years
later, the two countries are engaged in what some have described as a new Cold
War.
Washington is trying to squeeze Moscow with economic sanctions in response
to its actions in Crimea and eastern Ukraine, and Russia is undermining
international efforts to bring about the end of the Syrian civil war by
deposing Bashar al-Assad. On the eve of a ceasefire agreement, U.S. news spoke
with Agnia Grigas, author of "Beyond Crimea: The New Russian Empire"
and nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council about Russia's President
Vladimir Putin's goals in the region and why relations between the two powers
have deteriorated. Excerpts:
Did the
world's response to Russia's annexing of Crimea influence Putin's calculation
of getting militarily involved in Syria's civil war?
Crimea has not
been the only pass Putin has received. I think he also received a free pass for
the Russo-Georgian war in 2008, a first attempt to redraw post-Soviet borders
by trying to support the two separatist territories of Georgia. After Crimea,
we also have to consider the conflict in eastern Ukraine.
Likewise, the
West certainly critiqued Russia's support there for the separatists and
actually Russian direct military involvement and issued sanctions and so on.
Still, you can say that Putin received a bit of a pass there as well. In terms
of Syria, it's a little bit unique because Syria is not in what was
traditionally perceived as Russia's direct sphere of influence. So I would say
that his moves here are getting more ambitious and more aggressive.
Should Russia be
trusted to uphold the ceasefire agreement in Syria?
I'm a little
skeptical and I think many people are because of Russia's past actions in terms
of ceasefires, like we've seen in Ukraine as well. Oftentimes it just
seems as if this is just a tactic on Russia's side to try to buy more time or
to try to strengthen its particular position. I'd be surprised that Russia
would really hold a ceasefire until it felt that it had established its goals
in a particular conflict.
Will Putin
ever abandon his stance on keeping Bashar al-Assad in power in Syria?
I don't think
Putin is necessarily committed to Assad as an individual or as the leader of
Syria. He's more committed to maintaining a regime [there and] he's also
committed to making sure the Russian naval base there is maintained. A likely
scenario would be not if he maintains the whole of Syria under his influence or
tries to take over the whole of Syria, but a particular territory of Syria that
would be under Russian control.
What are
Putin's ambitions in Eastern Europe?
Eastern Europe
has been historically an area that Russia sees as its traditional or inherent
sphere of influence: Countries like the Baltic states, Ukraine, Belarus,
Moldova, the Caucasus. Russia will continue trying to maintain its influence in
these regions. It will try to stir up separatism or ethnic tension wherever
they can because it really benefits Russia – it creates instability in the
countries, like we've seen in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova. It hinders these
countries from their integration with the West. If the countries have
unresolved territorial integrity, then it makes it more difficult for them to
seek European Union or NATO membership. In the end, it is the Russian
government's goal to prevent further integration of these countries into
Western and trans-Atlantic organizations.
Have
international sanctions done anything to deter Putin?
International
sanctions have certainly hurt the Russian economy and they've certainly left a
deep impact and some of the effects of that we'll see in the years to follow,
but it doesn't mean that it's really altered Putin's polices. We've seen no
change, clearly, in Crimea. In terms of eastern Ukraine, potentially the
sanctions have tempered more aggressive expansion into other parts of Ukraine.
It's not so easy to differentiate the effects of the sanctions versus from
other factors.
Why did
Obama's "reset" on Russia fail?
The reset did
have some successes in its early days, but successes in areas of common
interest. Underneath there was potentially a lack of sufficient understanding
of truly the divergent interests of the United States and Russia, especially in
relation to Europe in the post-Soviet space where since the 2000s, the regime
of Vladimir Putin has consistently tried to regain influence and has even
tested and tried to regain territories. This deep conflict of interest and a
different world view was the real culprit of this trouble of getting reset.
Are we inanother Cold War?
Analysts and
commentators have mentioned the Cold War [scenario] since the mid 2000s, since
the Georgian war. But I think today we have seen a much deeper deterioration of
relations.
I wouldn't
call it a Cold War because it's not really a global ideological conflict – it's
more a localized struggle for influence and territories. Or on the part of
Russia, trying to regain influence and territories in areas where they feel
like they're losing it. This is certainly the worst spell of relations with
Russia we've had since the end of the Cold War.
Does Putin
care what the rest of the world thinks of him?
He may act
like he doesn't but he really does, but maybe in a different way. Putin and the
Russian government would like Russia to be perceived as a great power, if not
outright a super power. This is what the Russian public would also like to see.
Putin does care what the world thinks. He would like to have more of a seat at
the table with the big boys and more influence, but on the other hand he is not
willing or he doesn't care enough about the values aspect. He doesn't care
whether the world thinks Russia is a democracy or if it has rule of law or if
it respects human rights values and so on.
NATO is
strengthening operations in Eastern Europe. Will this contain or provoke Putin?
I personally
don't buy the argument of provoking, although that sometimes is echoed in
Moscow, that NATO is continuously provoking Russia. Many of the steps we've seen
in Crimea, in eastern Ukraine, in Georgia, in violating the airspace of the
Baltic states, these are tactics and moves that haven't been really provoked by
NATO.
Now, will NATO
contain Russia?
In light of Russia's revisionism of the post-Cold War order, a
strong NATO presence in Eastern Europe and an effort to contain Russia's
further adventurism is the right approach for the United States and its allies.
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